Category Archives: Metrosexual Murderers

Letter From An Alien: The Scientist

Letter From An Alien: The Scientist

Some of the righteous liberals have suggested that recent events should lead to some ‘soul-searching’ on my part. They have. But nothing in my soul regrets anything to do with my ‘critique’ of the liberal/gayist/feminist orthodoxy.

I have some regrets about how I have communicated with you. And far bigger regrets to do with my, shock horror: ‘real life’, that none of those liberalists give a monkeys about anyway. I have made some difficult phone calls and written some difficult letters.

I also have found myself thinking you and I were a bit – what? silly? romantic? – by never once speaking to each other like normal human beings. I helped you publish a book! In silence.

I’m no Coldplay fan but this song resonates with me today: Nobody said it was easy; it’s such a shame for us to part. Nobody said it was easy; No-one ever said it would be this hard. Oh take me back to the start….’

I’m sorry Mr Simpson.

QRG/Elly
Foucault’s Daughter

Confessions Of A ‘Homophobic Psycho’

Confessions Of A ‘Homophobic Psycho’

This is an email I received – in reply to one from me to a few people working in the arena of gender and masculinity – a few months ago.  It is from professor Eric Anderson and as you can see it accuses me of being a ‘homophobic psycho’, a ‘wannabe academic’ with ‘mental illness’ and a ‘persecution complex’. Anderson also says I lack ‘dignity’ and ‘integrity’.

Below is screengrabs of comments by Mark Mccormack and Eric Anderson’s husband Grant Peterson, accusing me of ‘harassing gay academics’ and of ‘homophobic discourse’. These were part of a campaign by Mccormack, Anderson and Peterson to have my review of Mark Mccormack’s book on the Declining Significance Of Homophobia taken down from the website Sociological Imagination where it was published. They succeeded and it was removed.

Mccormack has also accused me on twitter of ‘harassing gay academics online’ and he tweeted his support of Paul Burston‘s  outing of me (as a ‘troll’ and a ‘bully’) back in March this year. Mccormack said:

Why am I writing about all this now? The reason is that a senior colleague of Mccormack, Professor Ian Rivers, who claims to be an ‘International authority on homophobic bullying & bystander mental health at school’ has just published an article on ‘cyber bullying’.

I left a comment underneath his post but it was not published, and the editors of the site said:

I am publishing this evidence to back up the comment I left under Rivers’ article, and to prove it is not ‘libel’ but is rather, the truth. My comment reads:
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I find this article very simplistic.

I have been labelled a ‘cyber bully’ and a ‘homophobe’ including by Ian Rivers’ colleagues Mark mccormack and Eric Anderson. I was also ‘outed’ by Paul Burston a gay journalist, as a ‘troll’ and a ‘bully’.

But of course the police have not been involved at all, as in fact, I am not a bully. They just outed me because they disagree with my politics, and my criticisms of some of their work.

The police did though get involved when I received hate mail in the post I do not know who it is from.

So who is the ‘bully’ in this case? who the ‘victim’? and why was my ‘anonymity’ allowed to be taken away by Paul Burston?

Dr Elly Tams
Quiet Riot Girl
@Notorious_QRG

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If anyone I mention in that comment wants to argue about the truth of it, taking into account the evidence above, they are free to do so here.

The fact is, Mccormack especially is walking quite a confusing path here. His book, which I have read and reviewed, with approval from a number of academics including R Connell and K Plummer, is about declining homophobia. In his book he says homophobic ‘bullying’ is on the wane, and language is changing. People now use the term ‘gay’ to mean ‘rubbish’ often and it is rarely in a homophobic context. With that in mind, it is very odd that he and his ‘mentor’ Eric Anderson have rushed to accuse me of being homophobic and a bully of ‘gay academics’.

In his article on language, Mccormack is eager to point out that homophobia is now ‘stigmatised’ in our culture. People do not want to be seen as homophobic, it is looked down upon and challenged. So, I think he, Paul Burston, Eric Anderson and Grant Peterson are well aware that to label me as a ‘homophobe’ is to label me with a socially unacceptable trait. They know it tarnishes my name to call me such a thing. You could even argue, using Mccormack’s logic that these days, to call someone a homophobe is not dissimilar to calling someone a ‘fag’ in previous eras.

Another word that is stigmatised in our culture, that Mccormack does not mention, but that Paul Burston and others have called me is ‘troll’. When you think of a troll what do you picture? an ugly, inhuman creature? Yes, me too. Ian Rivers, in an organised  live chat on twitter recently, used the term ‘troll’ completely uncritically. For someone who is supposed to be a leading academic expert on bullying, this is worrying to me. The term ‘troll’ is used in a variety of contexts in relation to a variety of people and behaviours. One of the reasons it is a powerful insult, is the ambiguity of its meaning. On a recent programme on TV the broadcaster Richard Bacon, for example, highlighted the problem of ‘RIP trolls’ who left nasty comments on facebook tribute pages for people who had died. And yet I am also called a ‘troll’ simply for annoying some groups of people in academia and the media. This seems unfair to me.

Another issue that Professor Rivers seems unable to grasp, is that of power. A bully can only intimidate someone if they have power. In my interactions with him, Mccormack and Anderson and Peterson I don’t see how I have any power. They are established academics, two of them are professors, meaning they are high up in the hierarchy. And, more importantly they are a group. They know eachother and work together and socialise in real life. I am a lone individual and I have no status in academia, and no networks to use against my ‘enemies’ as they have to use against me. Ian recently ‘protected’ his tweets. Anderson has done this before too. As public academics trying to promote their work I think this is not a good move. I also think it is an attempt to take the ‘victim status’ as if Professor Rivers needs ‘protecting’ from someone like me.

Sometimes bullying can occur when a power dynamic at face value looks like it would go the other way. For example there is currently a case in the news of bullying of a teacher by students, which caused her to feel she had to leave the teaching profession altogether. But again I would say that those students formed a group against a lone individual. And they knew each other both on and offline, and probably knew how to use social media more expertly than the teacher. ‘Power is everywhere’ as Foucault said, and those young people had power in that situation.

I am aware that this Thursday is the International Day Against Homophobia and Transphobia (IDAHO).  LGBT Groups are publicising it as a day of action. But again I find their presentation of what is in fact a complex situation, overly simplistic. I know plenty of Gay people who are actually transphobic (Julie Bindel springs to mind). Creating a day against ‘homophobia and transphobia’ seems to give all LGBT people instant ‘victim’ status, when life is not quite so clear cut. As I asked in my (unpublished) comment under Professor Rivers’ article, who is the victim in my situation? Who the aggressor?

Professor Rivers’ advice for people dealing with cyber bullies,  is to ‘block’ them. I think this is very convenient as it means if he does not want to engage with someone (e.g. me) he can label them a bully and then block them online. As I have pointed out in my 101 Wankers post, blocking is a very common way of blanking out opinions and perspectives and people you don’t like. I am blocked by over 80 people now. Have I bullied them all?

If I had, surely I’d have to have been an actual psycho. Someone like  Anders Breivik had ‘power’ over innocent victims because he used violence, in his case, murder. I am not a violent person and unlike some of my detractors, I don’t even use threats. I just say things that piss people off and am sometimes rude. That does not make me a psycho!

Someone else who has in the past been called all sorts of names, such as ‘the Gay Anti Christ’ and a ‘brainy thug’ is  Mark Simpson. He has kept very quiet in this situation whereby I have been outed, not only as a ‘bully’ and a ‘troll’ and a ‘homophobe’ but also as some kind of ‘Kathy Bates Misery’ figure in relation to him and his writing. Frankly, I don’t blame him. Some of his old friends have attempted to use him in their attacks on me and I can see why he has tried to keep out of it.

But. I know that Simpson is very familiar with the kind of ‘brickbats’ thrown at me, for they are the same kinds of things which have been said about him. And, if I do have any power in this situation, as Simpson knows full well, it can only be down to my intelligence and my ability to sometimes touch a nerve.

Once, when Simpson and I were still on friendly terms, he advised me to ‘wear my brickbats like bouquets’, to stand tall and be proud of my unusual position and perspective. And now, even when that friendship is faded and lost, I am taking his advice.

The gaylords who call me a homophobe can suck my metaphorical dick.

Mark Simpson And ‘Male Hysteria’

Mark Simpson And ‘Male Hysteria’

Coming across this old review of Juliet Mitchell’s ‘Mad Men and Medusas’ (Independent on Sunday, 2001) reminded me that pretty much all the main characters in the TV series of the same name launched in the late Noughties are hysterics, but most especially Madison Avenue’s Don Juan, aka Donald Draper. I hope Mitchell is getting a royalty.

by Mark Simpson

A touch of hysteria can make you a real hit with the ladies. If you play your symptoms right, eminent feminist scholars might even end up arguing over your body years after your death.

Robert Connolly was treated for hysteria in 1876. He suffered from an unfortunate compulsion which forced him to swing his arms from side to side like a pendulum. Elaine Showalter, the mediagenic American feminist, held him up in her 1997 book ‘Hystories’ as an example of how hysteria is a response to a situation that is untenable – pointing out that he worked as a watchmaker she ‘read’ his body as an expressing his distaste for the monotonous, finicky work he was unable to articulate through language. Hysteria, in other words, is the corporeal protest of the powerless and inarticulate working class, women and blacks; literally, the symbolic sigh of the oppressed.

It sounds plausible. It certainly sounds fashionable – since it’s saying that hysteria, like everything else these days, is ‘about power’. But in ‘Mad Men and Medusas: Reclaiming Hysteria’ Juliet Mitchell the not-so mediagenic British feminist psychoanalyst disagrees. Inarticulate frustration at his job is not enough to explain Connolly’s symptoms, she argues (and besides, runs the risk of middle class condescension). Politics has rendered him a cipher for social forces. What is missing is the internal compulsion producing his symptoms: he could not stop. Mitchell speculates that Connolly may have been aware of Voltaire’s comparison of God to a watchmaker. Such a hubristic identification would, explains Mitchell, have had to have been repressed. When it returned from the failed repression – as such wishes do – it made a compromise with the ego which had repressed it in order to allow it’s expression. ‘With the wit of the unconscious, the watchmaker who wants to be God finds that, as Voltaire said, it is God who is the watchmaker.’

This poetic interpretation may or may not explain Robert Connolly’s hysteria, but it certainly explains why Showalter is much more likely to be invited on Richard and Judy or, for that matter, Newsnight than Mitchell. For her part, Mitchell explains that whatever the specifics of the case, a conflict of a wish for omnipotence and a prevention of it would be needed to explain Connolly’s – or any hysteric’s – movements. In other words, what’s needed is psychoanalysis.

And, at a time when many seem to want to be unconvinced of psychoanalysis’ value, Mitchell’s book makes a convincing argument for this. Not only because ‘Mad Men and Medusas’ offers a deeper, subtler – and much more difficult – understanding of hysteria than the familiar victim-victimiser Manichean narrative of American feminism, but also because it admits that psychoanalysis itself is part of the problem.

Hysteria was recorded and written about for 4000 years before disappearing in the earlier part of this century. Today the term is almost unheard of in clinical usage. However, its many manifestations throughout the ages are still familiar: sensations of suffocation, choking, breathing and eating difficulties, mimetic imitations, deceitfulness, shocks, fits, death states, craving and longing.

Hysteria has of course historically been strongly associated with women. The Greek doctors talked of a ‘wandering womb’ requiring treatment, Christian witchfinders of a ‘seduction by the Devil’ requiring drowning or burning. After the Renaissance, hysteria was remedicalised and, following the vogue, located in the brain, albeit a female one. In the Eighteenth Century refined women were quaintly described as suffering from ‘the vapours’ (which emanated primarily from the brain but were somehow supplemented by especially debilitating vapours from the womb). By the Nineteenth Century asylums were chock full of hysterical women. By the end of the Twentieth Century, no one was diagnosed as having ‘hysteria’ any more. For Mitchell this is not something to be celebrated: defying postmodern correctness, she asserts that hysteria is as universal and as transhistorical and as complex a phenomenon as ‘love’ and ‘hate’ (which are, it so happens, both constituent parts of hysteria).

So who kidnapped hysteria? It would appear that embarrassed masculine pride bundled it off the clinical scene. She argues that hysteria disappeared because of the intolerability of the idea of male hysteria to men. Eighteenth Century science’s relocation of hysteria in the brain, even in one intoxicated by the presence of a vagina, meant that hysteria was no longer so hygienically confined to the female of the species. Ironically, Nineteenth Century psychoanalysis, which was born out of the study of hysteria, hastened the ‘disappearance’ of hysteria by universalising hysteria and establishing it as a male as well as a female characteristic.

The shining cornerstone of psychoanalysis, the Oedipus Complex, was fashioned out of the study of male hysteria – Freud’s own, as well as that of his patient. However, Mitchell powerfully argues that Freud’s need to suppress his own ‘little hysteria’, as he famously called it, and his ambivalence about the early death of his younger brother, led him to overlook the importance of sibling relationships and the threat of displacement they contain, which are felt before the Oedipus Complex. ‘When a sibling is in the offing,’ writes Mitchell, choosing a word which could be interpreted as an example of the ‘wit of the unconscious’, ‘the danger is that His Majesty the Baby will be annihilated, for this is someone who stands in the same position to parents (and their substitutes) as himself. This possible displacement triggers the wish to kill in the interests of survival. The drive to inertia [the death drive] released by this shock becomes violence. Or it becomes a sexual drive, to get the interests of all and everyone for oneself.’

As the title Mitchell gives to one of her chapters ‘Sigmund Freud: A Fragment of a Case of Hysteria in a Male’ suggests, Mitchell believes that Freud’s hysteria was not so ‘little’. Again bucking the trend, she doesn’t reject the importance Freud’s Oedipus Complex, which she admits is difficult to overstate, but argues that the focus on generational relations has blocked the understanding of lateral ones.

Mitchell illustrates the importance of lateral relationships by reference to the first World War and the epidemic of male hysteria amongst the combatants: the ‘shell shock’ victims (so labelled partly because it was less humiliating to the men concerned than being called an ‘hysteric’). However, what has been forgotten is that the wartime male hysteric has not only been a victim of aggression from enemy action but has also been an aggressor. What the soldier may also be suffering from ‘is the knowledge that he has broken a taboo and that in doing so he has released his wish to do so – his wish, his “wanting” to murder, to kill his sibling substitutes.’

The so-called ‘negative’ or feminine Oedipus Complex, in which a man wants to be his mother and desires his father was elaborated by Freud as being as universal as the ‘positive’ one – but it never received as much attention in the theory then or especially since, effectively relegating it to the unconscious. ‘But it has surfaced again and again as homophobia…’ complains Mitchell. However, beating one’s breast about homophobia is to miss the point: ‘The attention now drawn to this homophobia means that we miss the crucial importance of hysterophobia in the theory as a whole.’

The negative Oedipus Complex, a passive relation towards the father, had to carry the weight of explanation of both male hysteria and homosexuality. ‘Too often the two have become confused. Hysteria, to the contrary, is essentially bisexual,’ explains Mitchell. (In an eerie confirmation of either great art’s psychoanalysis or psychoanalysis great art, Pat Barker’s ‘Regeneration’ trilogy fictional shell-shock victim ‘Billy Prior’ was bisexual and sexually compulsive.)

After the First World War the role of sexuality in hysteria and then hysteria itself was replaced by trauma (which is nowadays used to explain almost everything). But how to account for what Mitchell describes as ‘the rampant sexuality of war’ – which was recently illustrated by he publication of servicemen’s letters from The Great War which talked about ‘hard-ons’ when bayoneting the enemy? Mitchell posits an apparently ‘normal’ male war hysteria – a non-reproductive sexuality involving killing, mass rape and promiscuity: the death drive attaches itself to sexuality. The Oedipalization of all relationships meant that men at war and on civvie street could avoid being seen as hysterics – they were either homosexual or ‘normal’, that is heterosexual, and hysterical women merely appeared ultrafeminine. ‘In hundreds of clinical accounts… the man who displays hysterical characteristics is suffering from “feminine narcissism”, “feminine passivity” or homosexuality. In the eternal struggle to repress male hysteria, these are the new pathologies.’

Perhaps most interesting of all is Mitchell’s rescue of the Don Juan myth from the neglect that traditional psychoanalysis has condemned it. In the myth, Don Juan, a serial liar and seducer of women, kills the father of one of his conquests and is finally led to Hell by a stone statue of his victim. Sexuality and murder are completely/hysterically intertwined in the Don Juan story in a way that they are not in the Oedipus myth. Don Juan, the son, kills and defies the father substitute who has done nothing to him, where Oedipus defies then kills the father who has twice threatened to kill him (the displacement from actual father to father substitute is a typical hysterical substitution).

According to Mitchell, the repression of the Don Juan story, the story of male hysteria par excellence, has allowed all psychoanalytic theory to establish male sexuality as the norm and in doing so avoid its analysis. ‘Don Juan, the male hysteric, was absorbed into Freud’s own character; repressed and at the same time identified with.’

What is repressed returns. Now Don Juan is everywhere. The prevalence of the male hysteric ensured he became normalised as the post modern individual – a latter-day Don Juan, uninterested in fathering, just out to perform.’ The post modern Don Juan, like the original, does not take women as a love-object but instead makes a hysterical identification with them.Loaded lad is literally a ladies man.

However, for all her efforts to make hysteria visible again, Mitchell does not want to quarantine it. ‘Hysteria is part of the human condition,’ she states, ‘the underbelly of “normality”:

‘…it can move in the direction of serious pathology or in the direction of creativity… it is a way of establishing one’s uniqueness in the world where one both is and is not unique, a way of keeping control of others where one both does and does not have control.’

 

a way of keeping control of others…? I think Mr S is a bit of a control freak. He often tries to control my access to his work. But he can’t. He knows it and he is just ‘acting out’ something. Get the Freud book!

A Nice Line In Neckerchiefs – John Wayne As Metro-Icon

A Nice Line In Neckerchiefs – John Wayne As Metro-Icon

When did metrosexuality begin? It is an impossible question to answer. The phenomenon, that seems as natural to us now, as Gucci manbags and orange man-tans, has crept up on us.

This following exchange between masculinity ‘experts’ Mark McCormack and MetroDad Mark Simpson, shows some of the confusion about the origins of metrosexuality, and what being a ‘real man‘ might mean:
I of course agree with Simpson. John Wayne did indeed have a ‘nice line in neckerchiefs’. And, however rugged and American he may have been, he, like all men film stars, ‘desired to be desired’ as much as their women counterparts. His ‘star’ quality, like Tony Curtis’ and Elvis’, meant he was a precursor to the tartymetrosexuals we know and love today. Oh, and, he also did some dancing on screen!
*

Going In – By John Weir (1996)

Going In – By John Weir (1996)

This will kill my parents and ruin my career, but listen, I take it back: I’m not gay. I don’t mean I don’t still fall in love with guys, or that I wouldn’t be willing to go to a gay rights demonstration if I thought it would enhance someone’s civil liberties. I never said I was straight. However, for most of my adult life I’ve insisted on being thought of as a gay man, and I just want to say right now that I’m over it. Big deal, I’m homosexual. According to identity politics, however, my sexuality is all important. It sets me apart from the mainstream. Well, duh, I never felt like part of the mainstream anyway. Not when it seemed to be filled exclusively with scary straight men, and not now, either, when it’s making room for scary gay ones.

It used to be an insult to accuse a guy of acting gay. Lately, it’s discreet praise. It means he’s sensitive, really well-dressed and probably friends with someone who knows Barbara Streisand. Accepting an Oscar for his role as a dying fag in Philadelphia, Tom Hanks even managed to make homosexuality sound patriotic. ‘God bless America’, he said, weeping for dead gay men like they were Veterans of Foreign Wars. Recently, the most unlikely people to have been cashing in on queer visibility, from Robert Altman, who is planning  a screen version of playwright Tony Kushner’s homo-anthem Angels In America, to Stephen Spielberg who produced the drag extravaganza To Wong Foo, Thanks For Everything, Julie Newmar as if it were an all-American family entertainment.

Homosexuality is being repackaged and resold to Americans as a traditional family value. And homosexuals are emerging as the yuppies of the 1990s. They’re the new class of urban professionals with money to spend and aggressively marketed products to choose from. Absolut vodka, Ikea, Benetton, Dewar’s, Calvin Klein, Levis 501s, Brad Pitt and Nine Inch Nails are just a few of the commodities secretly or openly aimed at upwardly-mobile, straight-acting, white-appearing gay guys and the handful of lesbians with comparable economic power. It’s not enough to say that these people are patsies to a culture that takes their money without granting them their rights. The sad fact is that homosexuals are desperate to be exploited.

If you read any of the new or newly mainstream advertising-laden gay magazines, Out  or The Advocate or Genre, or if you saw the thousands of identically clad homosexuals who flooded New York City during the June 1994 Stonewall 25 celebration, you know where the gay community is headed. It’s not moving towards legal rights. It’s not focused on mourning its dead, or insisting self-preservingly on safer sex, or on finding a cure for breast cancer or AIDS. The collective impulse of the chic lesbians and the brave young gay Republicans who captivate the media today and titillate each other is shopping.

That’s what the gay magazines are for, to target and create a consumer demographic. Their interest isn’t politics of sexuality. Indeed, they’re so worried about offending their few loyal corporate advertisers with copy that is too sexy or political that the only thing homosexual about them is their shame. They tell the world that the characteristic homosexual act is compulsive spending. Otherwise, they’re merely a cheerleading squad for anything gay or remotely gay-friendly, no matter how banal. If Melissa Etheridge burps, she gets covered in the gay press. Then there are the ‘gay leaders’ who show up on the covers of gay magazines: Roseanne. Bill Clinton. Barbara Streisand. Marky Mark. During New York’s 1995 Gay Pride week, The Advocate put New York Republican Mayor Rudolph Giuliani on its cover, which is like putting Joseph Mengele on the front page of Hadassah magazine on Yom Kippur.

Streisand of course is ubiquitous. Does everyone who has ever had a homosexual impulse owe her a personal thank-you? For what? For directing George Calin to play a sissy girl faggot in The Prince Of Tides? For leaving out of the film the lesbianism that was central to the book? Homosexuals are suffering from a collective case of Stockholm Syndrome – falling in love with our tormentors. How else to explain what makes Marky Mark a gay icon, except that he looks like the guy from high school gym class who spent half his time exciting your ashamed desire, and the other half shutting your head in his locker? Self-identified gay men lament that they have no national leaders, that the community can’t ‘support’ its leadership, that the gay rights movement is too diverse and mistrusting, too ‘hurt’ to walk behind a representative figure. But I don’t know a fag who wouldn’t follow Marky Mark into a firing squad if he so much as winked.

Gay magazines still arrive in your mailbox in discreet wrapping if you request it. But it would be far more startling for your neighbours and mail carriers to learn that you subscribe to truly politically radical and sex-obsessed journals, like bulletins from the religious right. Actually, there are a lot of similarities between the gay rights movement and Christian fundamentalism. Like homosexuals, Christians are increasingly open about their practices. Like some fervent queer activists, many Christians are shrill, dogmatic, paranoiac, combative and separatist. The difference is that while Christians rally round God, homosexuals only have sex. You don’t have to look your best to win God’s love, but if you’re searching for a gay man you’d better have tits. Gay men are such a straining, susceptible horde of self-loathing, hump-happy pleasure seekers that anyone with a decent set of biceps and a smidgen of media savvy could lead them where no fascist, or televangelist, has ever gone before.

The entire gay male community seems at times to be colluding against the possibility of independent thinking. The gay rights movement, too often, is focused on theatrics rather than on discourse: we want to be entertained and flattered, not criticised. As a group, self-identified gay men are especially resistant to thinking about issues of class and race, and they steadfastly deny their sexism. The irony of gay liberation is that it has made room in the mainstream only for those white men who are already privileged, and disinclined to share their wealth. This is the charge that many Christian fundamentalists make against us: that we are a bunch of affluent men who think our homosexuality shouldn’t interfere with our God-given right to rule the world. Fundamentalists aren’t exactly strangers to feeling both martyred and entitled, of course. Maybe that’s why, in vilifying us, they’re  partly right.

There was a time in my early twenties when being gay meant everything to me. I felt like my sexuality explained my entire life. It was the missing puzzle piece which, clicked into place, finally brought the whole picture into focus. The ten years after I came out, at age twenty-three, were a very heady time. I marched in Gay Pride celebrations throughout the 1980s. I got arrested for protesting because homosexuals weren’t allowed to join New York City’s St Patrick’s Day Parade. I went to ACT UP meetings and networked with all the smartest, cutest, most energetic dykes and fags in Manhattan, and thus, I thought naively, in the world. I hooked up with Queer Nation and raided straight bars. I remember one night precisely: we went to a skinhead dive in East Village and kissed each other every fifteen minutes. There were no skinheads in the bar that night  – the bar, in fact, was nearly empty – but it was a thrilling thing to do. It felt redemptive. It felt like I was facing down everyone who had ever called me ‘faggot’ in high school and saying ‘Yeah, so?’

That part of my life was important to my self-respect. I won’t disavow the years when I wore ‘QUEER NATION’ T-shirts or pinned pink triangles to my lapel. Lately, however, I want to trade all my gay paraphernalia for a button that says ‘NOT ME’. I’m postgay, a counterqueer, the ungrateful beneficiary of the gains of gay liberation. It’s not just that I’m frustrated with the mindlessness of the gay male community, and the elitism of its leadership. I’ve decided to reject the whole category of ‘gay’. Lately, I’ve been agreeing with Gore Vidal. In his introduction to the 1963 edition of his famous 1948 homo novel The City And The Pillar, he says, ‘There is of course no such thing as a homosexual. Despite current usage, the word is an adjective describing a sexual action, not a noun describing a recognisable type’.

Theoretically, Vidal is right. Effectively, however, there is currently no more recognisable type than the self-identified, politically active, sexually predatory gay American man, the kind of guy who wants, not equality for everyone, but entitlement for himself. And big pecs. If gay men ruled America, there would be tax credits for joining a gym. This was abundantly clear to me at the New York Stonewall 25 celebration, the twenty-fifth anniversary if the uprising that inspired the gay rights movement. It was a week-long festival of pod people twirling their multi-coloured freedom rings. There were so many hairless young men in nipple-hugging white T-shirts wandering the streets, that I began to wish it was 1969 again and paddy wagons would come and take them all away.

I spent the week with my best friend, the writer David B. Feinberg, who was dying of AIDS. He was having a hard time eating. Parasites were wearing away the undulant walls of his intestines, and he couldn’t keep anything down. Wherever we went, our main concern was finding the john. As it happened, when I wasn’t with David, I was reporting a magazine article about aspiring gay male porn stars. I went from club to club with members of my community, bare-chested men in cut-off blue jeans and black combat boots. Gay liberation had made it possible for every male homosexual in America to look the same and act too beautiful to talk to. If David had come along, he would have looked around the dance floor and said, ‘cute boy, cute boy, cute boy’. But David was home shitting his beauty into the toilet, and the cute boys he might have wanted were busy trying to look like storm troopers.

In our fervour to be part of the mainstream, we are creating stereotypes about ourselves that are just as clichéd as anything the religious right might dream up. This is evident in openly gay playwright Terence McNally’s Love! Valour! Compassion!, a recent Tony Award winning Broadway hit. The play concerns some upwardly mobile, well-dressed gay white men – artists and performers and urban professionals- who spend summer weekends together at a lovely country house in Upstate New York. They swim, play tennis, make meals, serenade each other on the piano with Chopin Waltzes, sunbathe nude, lament about AIDS and finally, triumphantly, dress up in tutus and dance to Swan Lake.

The play is full of sentimental notions of gay male solidarity: all gay men, except for the ones who know about musical comedy, have beautiful bodies; they are all epicures; they love to sit outside in the sun; if they’re bitchy, it’s only because they’re wounded; if they die it’s somebody else’s fault. Their pain is cured by women’s clothing. Their desire is aroused, most fervently, by Puerto Ricans. Of course, there is an equally sentimental and misleading version of the 1990s male homosexual as an angry young queer. Picture a line of brave protestors confronting police officers in riot gear. The activists’ faces are contorted in rage. ‘We’re here, we’re queer, get used to it’ they chant, their voices raised as one in agonised  lament.

I have been such a radical queer, and I have spent cosy weekends at some rich man’s country house, eating gourmet food and talking politics and art. It’s easy for me to spend time in both camps because they are essentially the same. Nevertheless, critics from both sides support a false distinction between them. In A Place At The Table, self-identified ‘conservative’ gay writer Bruce Bawer contrasts ‘subculture’ gays with conservative ones, ‘elegantly turned out’ gay men who go to church on Sunday. Radical queer says Bawer is self-loathing and anti-sex. But the two groups are haggling over style, not ideology. Both Bower and Queer Nation belong to the privileged upper tenth of the gay community, the class of urban artists and professionals who dictate gay politics to the rest of the country. There are no statistics to prove it of course, but if mainstream means ‘majority’, I bet the mainstream of homosexuality in America today is in the Marines.

And in the Navy. And living on public assistance in Idaho. And leaving Latin American enclaves in Los Angeles to cruise for gringos wearing beautiful sweaters in gay bars lining Santa Monica Boulevard. The mainstream of homosexuality in America today is living with Mom and Dad in a two-family house in Whitestone, Queens, acting ‘straight’ all day with friends held over from high school, but getting on homosexual phone-sex lines at night and saying things like, ‘Anybody out there like a lot of body contact?’ Mainstream homosexuals are straight guys who go to gay bars once a week on Fridays and warn their girlfriends not to ask them what they’re doing on their one night out. They are lesbians whose order of preference for sexual partners is 1) straight women, 2) bisexual men, 3) other lesbians.

Yet the gay community represented in Ikea ads, the comfy image of a couple of middle-class white guys out shopping for furniture, is the one that has been identified as the mainstream. It’s a lie. It is a lie for which radical dykes and fags are just as culpable as assimilationist lesbians and gays. The true division in the gay community is between entrenched, privileged, politically active urban and suburban trend-setters and policy makers, and the mass of people with homosexual urges who feel represented more by Reader’s Digest and Soldier of Fortune magazine than by The Advocate or Genre or 10 Percent or Frontiers or Deneuve or On Our Backs or Out. If indeed they have even heard of them.

Nothing reveals the self-absorption of the gay ruling class more patently and damningly than its response to the problems of being homosexual in the military. Radical gays, hiding behind a veneer of pacifism, are especially guilty of classism and elitism in this instance. During the 1993 debate about President Clinton’s proposal to lift the ban on gays in the military, radical queers very nearly colluded with the anti-gay politicos, like Georgia Senator Sam Nunn, who organised the Congressional hearings on tolerating homosexuals in the armed forces. ‘If they’re in the military they get what they deserve’, homo radicals told me, over and over, throughout the hearings.

Knee-jerk anti-military feeling dictated the radicals’ official response. And a widespread and often petty mistrust of journalist Randy Shilts prevented the homo community from taking into account Shilts’ devastating 1993 study of gay life in the military, Conduct Unbecoming. Shilts recounts severe and repeated civil rights violations, inflicted by military brass on gays or suspected gays, most of them women and/or African-American. The practice of homo witch-hunting actually intensified during the 1980s, roughly paralleling the AIDS crisis and ruining thousands of lives. But the activist gay community largely ignored the evidence in Shilts’ book, because many gay men were still sulking over Shilts’ role in closing gay bathhouses in San Francisco in the early 1980s.

It’s more important to get blown by a grunt in public than it is to defend his civil rights. Fags like to fetishise marines, in part because of their mostly working-class appeal. But if somebody in the armed forces complains about how the military treats him, a lot of gay men tune out. ‘Abolish the military altogether’, radical fags say, overlooking the fact that enlisting  in the armed forces is often the most viable economic alternative for working-class young men. If you’re seventeen years old and you don’t like musical comedy, and you don’t want to move to New York or Chicago or Los Angeles, and you don’t have enough money for college; and if you know that you like sweaty, male environments; and if you want to get the hell out of your small town, why not the Marines? Not every gay man in America is a chorus boy or a sensitive poet or a Harvard MBA.

Of course there were plenty of gay lawyers and Washington lobbyists who did try to help gays in the military. But they were defeated by a false sense of security. They assumed that because they were middle class white guys they would naturally get what they wanted. The gay rights movement, from radicals to conservatives, is crippled by a sense of entitlement. Sometimes I think the difference between the two factions is just a question of contrasting fashion statements. In either case, I’m no longer dressing for either party. I’m sick of gay men. The next time I see a bunch of dudes from Jersey beating on a faggot from Greenwich Village, I’m going to cheer them on. Being gay used to feel like an expression of difference, but I lost my otherness and now I want it back. I’m not gay anymore. I’m not even queer. I’d almost rather be mistaken for a registered Republican. After all, there’s no distinction anymore between conservative Republicans and self-identified homosexuals. A conservative is someone who wants to keep what he has. So is a gay man. The gay rights movement is largely helmed by white men who crave what they were promised as children, but denied as adults because of their sexuality; they want their guaranteed access to power. And they’re not necessarily interested in extending that power to you, just because you happen to like having sex, sometimes, with guys.

by John Weir (Chapter Three of Anti-Gay (1996) ed. Mark Simpson –Freedom Editions, p26-34).

ACT UP! And ‘Radical’ Gay Elitism

ACT UP! And ‘Radical’ Gay Elitism

I have already posted about a recent photography exhibition of AIDS activism. 2012 is the 25th anniversary of the start of Act Up! the ‘radical’ queer organisation that campaigned on AIDS/HIV issues in the 80s and 90s.  Larry Kramer, who worked for Act UP! writes a quite empassioned piece in Huffpo this week. He says:

‘I’m an ungrateful sonofabitch. ACT UP (AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power), which helped save my life, is 25 years old, and I am going to be 77 years old come June, and I should be grateful, right?

It’s difficult to be grateful when the AIDS plague is worse than ever all over the world and the two organizations I helped found to stop it are, if not no more, then in such pathetic shape as to almost be no more.

It’s hard to blame these remnants of former greatness when the gay population of this country continues to be so passive, so apathetic, so shut-the-fuck-up-with-all-your-message-queen-shit…

At the height of the AIDS plague, from 1990 to 1995, when we were dying so fast we couldn’t keep up with the count, of all the gays in the United States — be it 10 million or 20 million (will we ever find out?) — no more than 5,000 of us at the most fought in ACT UP’s 100 or so chapters to save the lives of our brothers and sisters. All the rest of the 10? 20? million gays would not fight to save their own lives. I never could figure that one out. Still can’t.’

Well I might be able to help Larry figure out why the majority of non-straight people do not support ‘radical’ organisations like Act UP!(his aside that ‘will we ever find out?’ how many gays there are in America alludes to the fact many people have same-sex sex without being ‘out and proud’ gays) . I am using a chapter from Anti Gay (ed Mark Simpson), written in 1996, when Act UP! was at its height. It is by John Weir and it is quite illuminating. He writes:

‘The entire gay male community seems at times to be colluding against the possibility of independent thinking. The gay rights movement, too often, is focused on theatrics rather than on discourse: we want to be entertained and flattered, not criticised. As a group, self-identified gay men are especially resistant to thinking about issues of class and race, and they steadfastly deny their sexism. The irony of gay liberation is that it has made room in the mainstream only for those white men who are already privileged, and disinclined to share their wealth. This is the charge that many Christian fundamentalists make against us: that we are a bunch of affluent men who think our homosexuality shouldn’t interfere with our God-given right to rule the world. Fundamentalists aren’t exactly strangers to feeling both martyred and entitled, of course. Maybe that’s why, in vilifying us, they’re  partly right…

I spent the week with my best friend, the writer David B. Feinberg, who was dying of AIDS. He was having a hard time eating. Parasites were wearing away the undulant walls of his intestines, and he couldn’t keep anything down. Wherever we went, our main concern was finding the john. As it happened, when I wasn’t with David, I was reporting a magazine article about aspiring gay male porn stars. I went from club to club with members of my community, bare-chested men in cut-off blue jeans and black combat boots. Gay liberation had made it possible for every male homosexual in America to look the same and act too beautiful to talk to. If David had come along, he would have looked around the dance floor and said, ‘cute boy, cute boy, cute boy’. But David was home shitting his beauty into the toilet, and the cute boys he might have wanted were busy trying to look like storm troopers…

Both Bawer and Queer Nation belong to the privileged upper tenth of the gay community, the class of urban artists and professionals who dictate gay politics to the rest of the country. There are no statistics to prove it of course, but if mainstream means ‘majority’, I bet the mainstream of homosexuality in America today is in the Marines…

And in the Navy. And living on public assistance in Idaho. And leaving Latin American enclaves in Los Angeles to cruise for gringos wearing beautiful sweaters in gay bars lining Santa Monica Boulevard. The mainstream of homosexuality in America today is living with Mom and Dad in a two-family house in Whitestone, Queens, acting ‘straight’ all day with friends held over from high school, but getting on homosexual phone-sex lines at night and saying things like, ‘Anybody out there like a lot of body contact?’ Mainstream homosexuals are straight guys who go to gay bars once a week on Fridays and warn their girlfriends not to ask them what they’re doing on their one night out. They are lesbians whose order of preference for sexual partners is 1) straight women, 2) bisexual men, 3) other lesbians….

Yet the gay community represented in Ikea ads, the comfy image of a couple of middle-class white guys out shopping for furniture, is the one that has been identified as the mainstream. It’s a lie. It is a lie for which radical dykes and fags are just as culpable as assimilationist lesbians and gays. The true division in the gay community is between entrenched, privileged, politically active urban and suburban trend-setters and policy makers, and the mass of people with homosexual urges who feel represented more by Reader’s Digest and Soldier of Fortune magazine than by The Advocate or Genre or 10 Percent or Frontiers or Deneuve or On Our Backs or Out. If indeed they have even heard of them…

I’m not gay anymore. I’m not even queer. I’d almost rather be mistaken for a registered Republican. After all, there’s no distinction anymore between conservative Republicans and self-identified homosexuals. A conservative is someone who wants to keep what he has. So is a gay man. The gay rights movement is largely helmed by white men who crave what they were promised as children, but denied as adults because of their sexuality; they want their guaranteed access to power. And they’re not necessarily interested in extending that power to you, just because you happen to like having sex, sometimes, with guys.’

The Softer They Come – Review of The Declining Significance Of Homophobia

The Softer They Come – Review of The Declining Significance Of Homophobia

The Declining Significance of Homophobia – How Teenage Boys Are Redefining Masculinity and Heterosexuality  By Mark McCormack  New York: Oxford University Press 2012.

This book, The Declining Significance of Homophobia[i], is, according to its author, a ‘Good News story’(p xxv). I capitalise ‘Good News’ for reasons that shall become clear. But focusing first on the main thrust of the thesis (and there is no reference to it but I am certain this is a book written out of a PhD thesis), the ‘good news’ is how teenage boys in the UK are less homophobic than in previous eras. Good news indeed.

McCormack’s research, with the fieldwork carried out between 2008 and 2009, consists of ethnography in three school sixth forms in the South of England. He used participant observation and semi-structured interviews with teenage boys/young men between the ages of 16 and 18. The argument he makes is clear:  in line with Eric Anderson (2009)’s theories of ‘softening’ or ‘inclusive’ masculinities, McCormack tells us that the young people he studied do not marginalise and discriminate against each other on the basis of sexual orientation, or even perceived orientation. And this is because homophobia has declined in our culture, since the ‘homohysteria’ that characterised the 1980s and 1990s (Anderson 2009) (p32-36).

There are some positive aspects to this book. One is simply that I always value qualitative research, and especially ethnography. In this age, that McCormack himself describes as being ‘a world in which the social sciences must demonstrate their impact and pay their way’ (p 9), in-depth studies that focus on people rather than numbers are refreshing. I am also pleased that he overtly challenges what he calls a ‘victimisation framework’ (p130) often adopted by people from LGBT communities. McCormack acknowledges the ‘agency’ (p32) people have to contest their and others’ oppression. This goes against recent research, for example by the UK LGBT organisation, Stonewall, (p61) that I have found to be scare-mongering about bullying and the hopeless ‘plight’ of LGBT youth.

Another plus to The Declining Significance of Homophobia, is that even in 2012, feminist-dominated gender studies does not adequately cover the experiences and accounts of boys and men. As Tom Martin’s[ii] recent (failed) attempt to sue the Gender Institute at the LSE for discrimination against men[iii] suggests, whilst the name ‘women’s studies’ has been lost from most university gender departments, the bias against men and masculinity remains. McCormack rightly puts his book in the context of a small amount of existing research on men, boys and masculinities in the field of education, citing work (p xx –xxv) by academics such as Mac an Ghaill (1994, 2007), Epstein and Johnson (1994) and Rivers (1995). In doing so he critiques the concept of Hegemonic Masculinity, developed by R Connell (2005). I have criticisms of Connell’s theories, not least because they reinforce the misguided, in my view, notion that ‘patriarchy’ continues to allow ‘orthodox’ ‘masculine’ men as a group to dominate and discriminate against women (and ‘effeminate’ men) as a group (p39). McCormack does not let go of ‘hegemonic masculinity’, or of a feminist perspective (p xxix). But at least he is critiquing Connell’s ideas, not accepting them unquestioningly.

Unfortunately I have some major problems with McCormack’s book. My biggest issue is with his statement that this is a ‘Good News story’. Whilst McCormack  is very critical of the historical role in religion in reinforcing homophobic attitudes (p59), and in particular ‘evangelical Christianity’ (p59),  I think his book reads like an ‘evangelical’ tract itself, spreading the ‘Good News’ that homophobia is on the decline. There are two main reasons for my feeling. One is that his book relies incredibly heavily on the ideas of one man: his former- PhD supervisor, and ‘mentor’ Eric Anderson ( pvii). McCormack refers to Anderson’s ‘vision’, his ‘academic critiques’ and his ‘exciting theoretical developments’ in awe (pvii). The other reason I think the book is ‘evangelical’ is that McCormack also dismisses out of hand some very important work by other theorists in the field. It reads to me like this is Anderson’s Good News, and ‘academic critique’ of Anderson’s work is not encouraged by McCormack at all.

Anderson’s theories are used by McCormack to explain everything! Whilst I can see that McCormack is using Anderson’s theories of ‘inclusive’ and ‘softening’ masculinity to explain the demise in homophobic language and behaviours amongst contemporary teenage boys, I am less clear as to why he also relies on Anderson almost alone, to explain the homophobic cultures of the 1980s and 1990s, including the devastating impact of AIDS on people’s lives and attitudes. Other writers who are missing from McCormack’s book who have carefully examined the recent history of homophobia (including AIDS), include Mark Simpson (in Male Impersonators 1994 and in Anti- Gay 1996), David Halperin (In How To Do The History of Homosexuality, 2002), Steven Seidman et al (in Queer Theory/Sociology 1996), Steven Zeeland (in Barrack Buddies 1993) and Keith Boykin (in Beyond The Down Low 2005)[v].

The implied ‘defence’ made by McCormack for ignoring and/or dismissing other theorists and writers is in itself worrying. In part, his logic consists of his assertion that poststructuralism is invalid as an epistemological and theoretical basis for research on gender and sexuality. With a grudging concession to what he calls ‘soft’ poststructuralism (p8), that he says maintains that social identity categories have some use, McCormack is damning about poststructuralist theory. He writes:

‘…poststructural scholarship, being wedded to transgression and subversion, cannot theoretically legitmate particular forms of anti-assimilation; it must valorise all or none. That is, postructuralism does not have the conceptual tools to distinguish (‘bad’) sexist and homophobic norms from (‘good’) normative ideals such as antidiscrimination and law-abidance (Nussbaum, 199a) (p7).

This is an inaccurate and unfair interpretation of poststructuralism. What McCormack is doing, is equating all poststructural theory, with ‘relativism’. But many poststructuralist writers have grappled with the potential for their work to become ‘relativist’, and have shown clearly why it is not. Writers and theorists such as Foucault, Barthes, Derrida, Bordo and Butler have all explained why their interest in the ‘deconstruction’ of meaning, does not and should not necessarily lead to a belief in the dissolution of meaning. And we only have to read accounts of Foucault being influenced by the Mai 1968 ‘manifestations’[vi], or watch youtube footage of Butler addressing the crowds at the 2011 Occupy demonstrations in New York[vii] to be convinced of their commitment to social justice and political activism. Even Baudrillard[viii], who was less resistant to the idea that deconstruction might lead to a complete obliteration of meaning, seems to me, to have actually very potently and politically predicted the ‘internet age’ with its cacophony of voices, its rows and rows of flat screens, and its ‘hyperreal’ imagery. If it has not disappeared altogether, then in the 21st century, surely ‘reality’ is much harder to grasp , to analyse and to categorise than it was in previous eras?

But it is Judith Butler who McCormack saves most of his anti-poststructuralist ‘zeal’ for. He uses her as a reference to state how ‘obscure’ a lot of poststructuralist writing is:

‘…the writing style of many poststructuralist theorists is so dense and obscure that it is understandable to only a subgroup of academics (Butler,1990). And they only imagine that they read clarity in the writing’ (p9).

He goes onto cite those (including, of course, Eric Anderson), who have criticised Butler’s writing:

‘… In a searing and accurate critique, Martha Nussbaum (1999a) argues that this writing is a wilful attempt to ‘bully’ readers into docility, and Anderson (2009) calls it a ‘violent, shameful act of academic exclusion’ (p33).’

Whilst McCormack calls Gender Trouble (1990) ‘impenetrable’, he provides no evidence in the form of quotes from Butler’s seminal work to back up his statement. We the readers are expected to trust McCormack implicitly in his analysis. And, if we may have been so foolhardy as to have read Butler ourselves, McCormack tells us confidently that those who read and understood her work, ‘only imagine that they read clarity in the writing’ (p9).

McCormack  is using his book in part to challenge the queer (and poststructuralist) ‘turn’ (p6) that took place in gender and sexuality theory, and is attempting to replace it with something different, something better, something more ‘Good News’. He writes, towards the end of the book:

‘The consolidation of heterosexual identities in these settings means that decreased homophobia does not necessarily result in a dissipation of sexual identities. This would suggest that, and that deconstruction has its emancipatory limits (Anderson, 2009; Kirsch 2000; Weeks 2007) (p133).

Having earlier dismissed postructuralist queer theory as ‘obscure’ and ‘elitist’, McCormack is able to assert his belief that ‘identity-movement politics’ is the way forward for LGBT young people. I strongly disagree with this perspective, partly as a result of my PhD studies and post-doctoral research into ‘identity politics’[ix], and partly as a result of my own personal, very negative experience of ‘identity politics’ in action.[x] [xi]

The way in which McCormack’s attachment to Gay identity politics is shown in the book, is via his endless use of the word ‘gay’ to describe young people who do not identify as ‘straight’. He talks about ‘gay discourse’ (p114), ‘gay-friendly schools’ (p121), ‘gay students’ (p130), the ‘gay rights movement’ (p57) and ‘gay men’. McCormack mentions at the beginning that some of the young men at the sixth forms (UK equivalent of American High Schools) he studied, identify as bisexual, and one identifies as trans. But throughout the text he prioritises the term ‘gay’ to cover all LGBT young people, and in doing so, I believe, does most of them a great disservice.  The theoretical justification he uses for this is worrying to me. Not satisfied with rejecting poststructuralism’s insights into problematic identity categories, he uses biological determinist theory to ‘close down’ the debate about how we come to be who we are. In particular he uses uncritically the widely-contested[xii] (see also: Simpson 1994) work of sex ‘scientist’ Simon Le Vay. McCormack writes:

‘Post-structuralism and social constructionism both recognise that current conceptions of gender and sexuality are socially constructed and historically situated (Foucault 1984, Weeks 1985). This means that although one’s own sexual orientation is biologically determined (Le Vay 2010, [emphasis mine]), the way society understands forms of sexuality is determined by the politics and people of the time, and this will vary across cultures.’(p6).

This ‘born this way’[xiii] version of sexual identity is gaining traction in the 21st century. Of course the subject is still debated, but the dominant view seems to be one which I find highly conservative, and indeed oppressive: that our sexual orientations are determined before birth, and the rest of our lives are somehow enslaved to them. I personally don’t identify my sexual orientation, not out of some political ‘stunt’, but because, aged 41, I still don’t know what it is! And that is not through lack of having tried to find out, in both ‘traditional’ and ‘non-traditional’ ways[xiv].

By privileging ‘gay’ terminology in his book, I think McCormack, even on his own ‘identity politics’ terms, is not helping bisexual, trans, asexual and non-identified young people find their way in the world, or indeed find their voices and experiences in the literature.  Another of my criticisms of McCormack’s exposition of his research findings, is that he does not give enough space to the accounts of the young people in the study. Apparently he conducted over twenty semi-structured interviews in the three research sites (p15), but hardly includes any quotes from those interviews. When he does quote the students he is very quick to impose his interpretation of their words, rather than giving them a chance to speak for themselves. [xv]

I have one final criticism of McCormack’s book, which extends to a general criticism of masculinities theory and research overall – it relates to what could be seen as an unmentioned, under-researched, unacceptable great big pink ‘elephant in the room’.[xvi] The elephant’s name? Metrosexuality. McCormack makes one single, cursory reference to metrosexuality in his book, in relation to work by David Coad (2008) on metrosexuality and sports (p64). But I think his whole thesis and his research would be improved immensely by giving serious consideration to this ‘21st century’ phenomenon, of men expressing their ‘desire to be desired’ via consumer and media culture (Simpson 2011)[xvii]. According to Mark Simpson, originator and key theorist of the concept of metrosexuality,

‘Con­trary to what you have been told, met­ro­sex­u­al­ity is not about flip-flops and facials, man-bags or man­scara. Or about men becom­ing ‘girlie’ or ‘gay’.  It’s about men becom­ing every­thing. To themselves. In much the way that women have been for some time. It’s the end of the sex­ual divi­sion of bath­room and bed­room labour.  It’s the end of sex­u­al­ity as we’ve known it.’ (Simpson 2011)[xviii]

And there lies a clue as to why McCormack ignores Simpson’s ground-breaking theories. Because, according to Simpson, metrosexuality, including ALL men’s display of ‘feminine’ traits such as narcissism and passivity, marks the beginning of the end of sexual identity categories[xix]. And it is sexual identity categories that McCormack is so keen to hold onto. Also, McCormack’s mention of young men using facebook and the internet for example, would make much more sense if put in the context of Simpson’s theories of ‘mediated’ and ‘commodified’ masculinities (Simpson, 2011).

McCormack and Anderson are not only holding onto gender and sexuality categories. They seem very attached, additionally, to ‘binary’ notions of gender. They talk about masculinity in terms of (having once been) ‘hard’ and now becoming ‘soft’. McCormack  seems to be uncritical of the categories used by both theorists and young people themselves, of ‘masculine’ men being ‘hard’ and ‘effeminate’ or ‘camp’ men being ‘soft’. This view is critiqued comprehensively by Mark Simpson, who highlights how machismo is actually often ‘camp’[xx], and how men who attempt to appear ‘uber-masculine’ often display very ‘feminine’ traits.[xxi]

The final paragraph of McCormack’s book is a defence against imagined ‘critics’ of his work. He says that if readers accept his position that homophobia is declining amongst young people, they will accept his research as a valid addition to the literature, documenting this ‘changing social zeitgeist’. Well, this reader does and doesn’t accept the validity of McCormack’s Good News. On one hand, as I stated above, I see it as a valuable (if flawed) addition to the qualitative and ethnographic literature in masculinity in education studies. On the other hand, I see it as an ‘evangelical’ sermon on the importance of Eric Anderson’s theory of ‘softening’ and ‘inclusive’ masculinity, that, ironically, is not inclusive at all. For it dismisses the proven value of most poststructuralism to the study of sex and gender, it clings on to sexual identity categories that are becoming less and less relevant as the 21st century progresses, and it ignores the ‘social zeitgeist ‘ of metrosexual masculinity that has been clearly documented by Mark Simpson since 1994. In short, I found this Good News story somewhat depressing, and am much relieved, having finished reading it, to return to the ‘exciting theoretical developments’, not of Eric Anderson, but of wonderful writers such as Simpson, Butler, Foucault and The Daddy of sex and gender theory himself, Freud.

——————————

Dr Elly Tams is an author and freelance researcher. She also publishes and blogs under the pen-name, Quiet Riot Girl. Her debut novella, Scribbling On Foucault’s Walls, is about a world in which Foucault, the famous French homosexual philosopher, in fact (in fiction) had a daughter.

An edited version of this piece originally appeared at The Sociological Imagination: http://sociologicalimagination.org/


NOTES

[i] McCormack, M (2012) The Declining Significance of Homophobia – How Teenage Boys Are Redefining Masculinity and Heterosexuality, New York: Oxford University Press

[v] Simpson, M (1994) Male Impersonators (Cassell), Simpson, M (1996) Anti-Gay, Freedom Editions

[vi] Foucault. M (2000) [1980]. ‘Interview with Michel Foucault’. In J. Faubion (ed.). Tr. Robert Hurley and others. Power The Essential Works of Michel Foucault 1954-1984. Volume Three. New York: New Press

[xv] Also, as his research is not ‘action research’[xv] it is not clear how young people could use his findings to improve their lives. That task seems to be left to academics, educators and adult ‘activists’.

[xvi] http://quietgirlriot.wordpress.com/2011/10/11/the-metrosexual-elephant-in-the-room/ Mark Simpson first described metrosexuality to me as ‘the elephant in the room’ but this is anecdotal. I have used his phrase since.

[xvii] Simpson, M (2011) Metrosexy, Amazon Kindle

[xix] Simpson, M ‘The End of Heterosexuality As We’ve Known It’ (2010):

http://www.marksimpson.com/blog/2010/06/11/the-end-of-heterosexuality-as-weve-known-it/

AIDS Activism Past And Present

AIDS Activism Past And Present

December 14, 1985

San Francisco AIDS Vigil: The 49th continuous day of people with AIDS and their supporters chaining themselves to a federal building in Civic Center to demand attention to the AIDS crisis.

© 1985 Daniel Nicoletta

http://www.queerty.com/art-san-franciscos-militant-aids-activism-in-black-and-white-20120318/#ixzz1pYRPdAVA

I have been reading some AIDS history recently, and one thing that strikes me is just how recent it is.

Michel Foucault died in 1984, and the cause of his death was initially not publicised. This photo, from the following year, is a reminder that it was down to ordinary people, some of them very ill, and their activism, that the disease became known and understood, and, in the West at least, became quite easily treatable.

AIDS and HIV activists continue on throughout the world, trying to bring the same level of awareness, care and treatments globally as exist in America and the UK.

Matt Greenall who works in this area, in international development writes a great blog called, poetically: ‘epidreamiology’.

http://epidreamiology.posterous.com/

Active Sports: The Anus And Its Goalposts

Active Sports: The Anus And Its Goalposts

What you must do, son, is become a fucker and not a fucked.  It’s as simple as that. Boys or girls, up the pussy or the arse, whichever you prefer, but you’ve got to remember there’s a cock between your legs and you’re a man.

 -Colin McInnes[i]

A mum whose husband is in jail told yesterday of her new lover … a 14-year-old schoolboy. Police have quizzed Debbie, but plan no action. Inspector Terry Lowe said: ‘Only a man can be charged with unlawful sexual intercourse.’  The inspector added: ‘Basically, the lad has found something better than football’.

-The Daily Mirror[ii]

Two images of football are offered by two famous photos. One shows Bobby Moore and Pele at the 1970 World Cup Final with their shirts off, touching each other’s faces and embracing with smiles and relaxed bodies. The other shows Vinnie Jones standing in front of Paul Gascoigne, facing away, his left hand reaching behind him clutching Gascoigne’s groin; their bodies and faces are rigid and contorted: Jones’ with hate, Gascoigne’s with pain.

The Pele/Moore image speaks of the sublime fraternity of ‘the beautiful game’, harmony between teams, nations, races – men. Their bodies, in their openness and nakedness, appear to give us the sexual resolution to the masculine conflict that we are often promised but never shown. Strip off those opposing jerseys, cast aside conventions and culture, and underneath are we not the same?  The blond English boy and the black, curly-haired Brazilian reach out to one another, dissolving differences with open arms; black and white are united in an equal embrace of hot skin; in a word: Love.

Jones/Gascoigne represent the necessary antithesis. Their ‘embrace’ is even more intimate than the former but it expresses, through the grotesque parody of the greatest tenderness between men, the greatest hate. Jones’s face, a portrait of malice, faces away from Gascoigne, but his hand conveys its message, anonymous-and-yet-personal: the very essence of masculine violence. Here there is no fraternity, no equality; this is a triumphal depiction of domination. Vinny Jones, football’s ‘Hard Man’, the crew-cut castrator, holds cry-baby Gascoigne’s soft manhood in his hod-carrier’s hand. In this tableau from a male morality play there can be no mistaking the import: in hetero-speak, Jones is ‘the fucker’, Gascoigne ‘the fucked’.

And like the tough on whose right-hand knuckles are tattooed the words LOVE and on the other HATE, the first image of football’s beauty depends upon the second’s ugliness. The Love of Pele and Moore depends upon the Hate of Vinny and Gascoigne; two views of the game that are in fact a unity. One portrays ‘beauty’, the other ‘beast’; both combine in the myth of football.

For every Gary Lineker there’s a Vinny Jones, for every David Gower a Curtly Ambrose. But without the ball-breaking bad guys, team sports would lose their terrible beauty.

-Esquire[iii]

The manly passion of football is permitted because it is predicated on manly violence, without which the passion would no longer be manly. For some, football is the ‘beautiful game’, a tournament of lyrical bodies, a brotherhood of grace and style, represented by the Pele/Moore photo, in which the ball almost floats through the air, supported by the sheer aesthetic wonder of it all. In fact it is the very brutality of the game that makes any elan or tenderness so welcome – or possible. In this masculine universe there can be no loveliness without horror; pleasure is circumcised by pain, gain by loss, love by hate; each goal scored and game won, each and every joy attained, is wrung from the despair of other men.

The final binary of life and death is there in the iconography of football, marking the boundaries of what is permissible in men’s lives. Both in terms of the picture itself and in terms of its recent context, Pele and Moore have finished playing, while Jones and Gascoigne have not.  The photo of Pele and Moore achieved phenomenal popularity in 1993, appearing in almost every newspaper in the country, after Moore’s death. The (male) nation went into mourning, tearful tributes to him flooded the media and a shrine of flowers and scarves grew at his home ground of West Ham. Dead and gone, Moore became loss and pain and beauty, the object of a torrent of ‘feminine’ emotion from millions of men, in a way that no man alive could be.

As the universal affection towards football stars like Pele and Moore shows, the appeal of football does not consist of belonging to a place or a club, it is not the tribalism or territorialism of sociologists that attracts men, but membership of the masculine club itself. The grief at the death of a footballer is not just a release of emotion like that at the end of a game. It is also grief at the realisation that there is a final whistle of the game of masculinity itself; in other words the ultimate failure of disavowal. Fear of death, which Freud described as a mere shadow of the fear of castration, re-emerges even out of the most vital and vigorous of lives. However successful their performance as a member of the team, however many trophies they win and however much male esteem they earn, men still cannot keep the most prized trophy of all – the phallus.

It is this trophy that is always what is at stake in football. ‘Love’ in football is man’s love for and desire of the phallus; ‘hate’ is their hatred for and fear of castration. Little wonder that for boys football often becomes an obsession that will stay with them for the rest of their lives. Football teaches them how to be a man through phallic competition; ‘love’ can only be realised through the castration of other men. But the binary of love and hate in football is sometimes indistinct: the ‘love’ for the phallus often runs perilously close to a desire of the phallus; and homo-desire threatens the love/hate, phallus/castration binary.

‘Why has the relationship that began as a schoolboy crush endured for nearly a quarter of a century, longer than any other relationship I have made of my own free will?’ asks Nick Hornby in the introduction to his acclaimed autobiography Fever Pitch: A Fan’s Life.[iv] Unwittingly he provides the answer in his account of his first match at the age of eleven: ‘ I remember the overwhelming maleness of it all – cigar and pipe smoke, foul language (words I had heard before but not from adults at that volume), and only years later did it occur to me that this was bound to have an effect on a boy who lived with his mother and sister; and I remember looking at  the crowd more than at the players’.[v]

The ‘overwhelming maleness’ of football is a swooning passion for virility that sweeps boys keen to be men and not at all sure how to become one (except not to be a ‘poof’) off their feet.  Football provides the boy with an answer to the problem of how to reconcile his homoerotic desire, his ‘feminine’ love of ‘manliness’, with his desire to be manly, i.e. not a ‘fucked’. If, in the words of Eve Kosofsky Sedgewick, ‘For a man to be a man’s man is separated only by an invisible, carefully blurred, always-already-crossed line from being ‘interested in men’,[vi]  then football blurs it still further but sharpens it at the same time, giving boys and men more leeway to express something approaching an interest in men as well as setting up clear ground rules that reassure the male spectator/player who is quite literally paranoid about overstepping that ‘always-already-crossed’ line. This is in fact very close to the classic Oedipal trap laid for homosexual men described by Hocquenghem:

The sophism of the ‘accursed race’ , and of homosexual perversion as a whole, lies in the fact that the word ‘virile’ describes anyone who is not ‘queer’, while the ‘queer’ is the penis lover, and the penis is the phallus, i.e. the organ of virility; and so the circle of impossible love is closed.[vii]

The ‘circle of impossible love is closed’, keeping gay men inside and straight men outside. The straight man is required to disavow queer desire precisely because he so values the penis, ‘the organ of virility’. Queer desire, for the straight man, is the ‘impossible’ love since it would require the renunciation of that which he loves – virility.

The basic groundrule of football both closes the circle and seems to offer some escape from it.  It is simply this: interest in men  is permitted, indeed encouraged, but must always be expressed through the game. A man’s love for football is a love of and for manhood, composed of a condensation of introjected (turned inwards) homoerotic desire. Boys discover that football places them in a masculine universe where they can enjoy the company of men and the spectacle of their bodies – as long as it is framed within competition, a struggle for dominance: to be ‘a fucker’; love is once again circumscribed by hate. The game itself becomes the phallus, something to be forever pursued and worshipped, something that bestows manhood: ‘I fell in love with football as I was later to fall in love with women’, declares Hornby in the first line of his first chapter.

Like millions of other little boys before him, armed with his new manly credentials Hornby found instant acceptance at school where he might otherwise have found painful, sadistic rejection (especially in view of what he describes as his unprepossessing physical attributes). He found the key to popularity and plentitude in his Soccer Stars stickers, swapping ‘Ian Ure for Geoff Hirst, Terry Venables for Ian St John’. By sharing in the boy’s love for football stars, Hornby found that the male club opened its arms wide for him. The wonder of football: the expression of an ‘interest in men’ cements the image of manliness in the eyes of the young football fan and his peers, rather than shattering it, and provides an intimate – although mediated – connection to other boys! Boys from other schools, boys from other parts of town, even older boys are now just as likely to show tenderness to a weaker new boy where before they would have shown their fist: so long as they support the same team.

 The competition imperative means that hate must never be let out of sight of love.  On one occasion Hornby found himself supporting the ‘wrong’ team and trampled into the playground grit. He did not relish the experience: ‘I wanted to be with the rest of the class, trampling the hell out of some other poor heartbroken kid – one of the swots or the weeds or Indians or Jews who were habitually and horribly bullied. For the first time in my life I was different and on my own, and I hated it’.[viii] (It is interesting to note that it appears there were no ‘pansies’ at Hornby’s school, which is unlikely to say the least.) Now humiliated as Other, he found himself wishing that his father had taken him to the usual zoo or deserted dining room instead of that first football match. As indeed he might: what, after all, is the point of football if it does not bring you membership of the male club?

But when the fetishes of football, like Hornby’s Soccer Stars stickers, do work their magic and bring forth masculine tenderness, the joy and happiness of the boy are immeasurable. Pictures of hunky footballers, powerful thighs flashing in the sun, become the objects of exchange between boys, giving them status and esteem: in other words the football stars play the same role women will later in their lives; they are objects exchanged in what Iragaray would call a phallocentric economy, mediating between the boys and preventing their relations breaking down into ‘incest’.

Nor is this position of footballers as objects of exchange something limited to picture cards swapped between boys. They are only imitating the adult world of football itself. ‘Player takes field to free soccer ‘slaves’’ reads a headline in the Guardian.[ix] ‘Football players are human beings not inanimate objects to be bought and sold like goods with no say where they work’, a representative of the soccer trade union is quoted as saying. The transfer-fee system means a footballer may have to remain at a club even after his contract expires. Players are objects of exchange between clubs and managers, i.e. men, rather than subjects in themselves. Ironically, the game of football offers up star footballers as men that boys will envy and want to emulate, and yet their position in the phallocentric economy is close to that of women.

Another favourite of the young football fan, the team shot, illustrates this further. A group photo of Norwich City in Soccer Stars (April 1992) shows all ‘the lads’ in their strip, flanked by their physio and second team coach, with their manager and assistant manager in the middle of the first row. If the team is a family, as is often fondly suggested by those involved in the sport, then parental connotation of the manager and assistant manager cannot be overlooked. Here we have a family without a mother: women have been abolished in the phallocentric economy of football. The manager is clearly the patriarch; he is the only one to wear a suit and is easily the oldest. The ‘strip’ that the rest of the team wears, including the assistant manager, represents ‘The Name Of The Father’, marking them as belonging to him. In front of them are the magical objects which have made all this possible: three footballs. Football is an activity and an object which literally mediates between the men, taking the place of ‘woman’.

The football phantasy of abolishing women is even exploited in adverts. In a promotion of Weetabix we see manager Brian Clough and his ‘boys’ eating breakfast together in what appears to be a domestic kitchen. The fantasy of a motherless family works both ways: that of an older man having a harem of young bucks/sons undistracted in their devotion to him, and that of boys enjoying the exclusive attentions of an older man. (Weetabix it should be pointed out, is a family breakfast cereal aimed primarily at young boys).

And if the passion of football for boys, like the passion for virility itself, is based on introjected homo-desire, it should be no surprise that it is frequently fathers who introduce their sons to the sport. In the Oedipal family, the son’s identification with the father represents the introjection of his desire for him. It is also in this way that the boy learns to separate identification from desire (although this is never completely successful). The taboo on any suggestion of desire between father and son, the result of both the incest taboo and especially the strong anti-homosexual tabbo, often leads to a ban on any tenderness, a breakdown in communication and dreadful isolation that far too many fathers and sons know.

Hornby knew it, but football provided an escape of sorts. After his parents separated at eleven, he tells us, he would spend weekends with his father which were endured in ‘more or less complete silence’.[x] Until, like many fathers desperate for something ‘safe’ to do with his son (and talking, without ground-rules, is perhaps the most dangerous thing for all men), Mr Hornby had the idea of taking his son to a football match. This provided them with a ‘medium to communicate’;[xi] in other words, football stood in for direct tenderness between father and son.

Like every father I desperately wanted a son – and [on the day of his birth] Shirley had her work cut out to stop me going out and buying his first pair of football boots there and then!

-Derek Hatton[xii]

Football can be talked about in the most heated fashion without actually betraying anything personal; it is an activity that can be shared, but at a distance, watched over all the time by thousands of other males, whose presence wards off the possibility of anything ‘unmanly’- i.e. anything unmediated – entering into the man-to-man relation. Football not only intervenes for the taboo romance between father and son (in its social as well as familial form), it comes to substitute for it. The accepted position of players as objects, the fact they have been substituted, combine with their often superior physical attributes (compared to the boy’s father) to allow the boy a slight slippage of the chains of sublimation; allowed an inch or two of libidinal freedom, the young fan directs a hot blast of Eros towards his favourite players.

‘I loved Bobby Charlton and George Best…with a passion that had taken me completely by surprise’, confesses Hornby, dazed by the way he found himself head over heels with the game and its heroes after his father took him to see his first game[xiii]. The strength of the boy’s sublimated feelings as they are de-sublimated (and more often than not quickly re-sublimated again) comes as a shock to the boy-child who has been denied such feelings for so long.

To his credit Hornby seems unafraid to make direct comparisons in adult life between his attachment to male players and girlfriends. Talking about the transfer of an admired player, Liam Brady, from Hornby’s adopted team of Arsenal, and a girlfriend who finished with him, he muses that ‘in some strange way I think she and Liam got muddled up in my mind. The two of them, Brady and the lost girl haunted me for a long time, five or six years, maybe…’[xiv]

Elsewhere he talks candidly about the pathetic conversational gambits he and other fans try on their ‘heroes’ when they come across them: ‘And what are these clumsy, embarrassing, fumbling encounters if they are not passes, beery gropes in the dark?’ But these admissions are carefully steered away from any explicitly homosexual taint. A few paragraphs earlier, when talking about the antics of groupies and comparing them to those of football fans, Hornby makes the ‘confession’: ‘If I were a nubile twenty-year-old, I’d probably be down at the training ground throwing my panties at David Rocastle, although this kind of confession from a man, however New he is, is regrettably still not acceptable.’

For all his New Man candour, even a directly sexual expression of interest in the footballer still needs to be framed ‘heterosexually’; the ‘unacceptable confession’ is the one that Hornby does not make: ‘if I was gay’. The one he does make is no more unacceptable than the traditional joshing line from one mate to another: ‘If you was a girl I’d marry you’: the ‘impossible’ desire of man for man expressed through the impossible is not desublimation and therefore no confession at all.

But perhaps this is to miss the point. A traditional Freudian might interpret Hornby’s statement as an example of an incomplete repression of the boy’s (and any boy’s not just Hornby’s) ‘normal’ fantasy of taking the subject position of his mother in order to be loved by his father.[xv] Certainly he would find further evidence of this in Hornby’s dreams about another adored Arsenal player of his, Charlie George:

I dream about George quite regularly, perhaps as often as I dream about my father [his first Dad who took him to the football game]. In dreams, as in life, he is hard, driven, determined, indecipherable; usually he is expressing disappointment in me for some perceived lapse, quite often of a sexual nature, and I feel guilty as hell’.[xvi]

The fan’s love for the footballer is the taboo desire for the father, and since it is the desire for the father that is introjected (partly as a result of castration anxiety), and transformed into identification, it is the father who becomes the voice of the super-ego, that which says ‘no’. In this way desire for the father becomes the prohibition. Hence it is not clear whether it is the footballer George or his father whom Hornby dreams of as ‘hard, driven, determined, indecipherable’, admonishing him for lapses of ‘a sexual nature’; the desire to take a feminine position (desire for George?) and fear of castration (the ‘hard, driven , determined’ father?) are almost inseparable in the heterosexual male.

In the world of football the inability to resolve this conflict is dramatized in the struggle between two opposing sides. For the Arsenal fans George is an object of love, representing all that is desirable in a man; ‘Charlie George! Superstar! How many goals have you scored so far?’[xvii] To the opposing side he is a figure of hate, representing all that is to be disavowed: ‘Charlie George! Superstar! Walks like a woman and wears a bra!’ The ultimate ‘sexual lapse’, ruthlessly exploited by the other side, is the adoption of a ‘feminine’ subject position. It is the ‘fucker not a fucked’ opposition again: football is a game played between two goalposts, one ‘home’, the other ‘away’, one ‘us’, the other ‘them’, one ‘love’, the other ‘hate’, one ‘masculine’ the other ‘feminine’. But the desperate attempts to force the distinction only highlights the interpenetration of the two; the Pele/Moore image depends upon that of Jones/Gascoigne, but Jones/Gascoigne depends upon Pele/Moore as well. Football is a game which attempts to reassure men that the Binary Cup Final of ‘Masculine Utd’ v ‘Feminine City’ can be played and won by them, that these two ‘teams’ can be separated within their own psyches, just as they attempt to separate them in the all-male world of players where men like Charlie George take on diametrically opposite meanings to different sides. But while football at one level does appear to achieve this, it is enormously problematic – and perhaps it is this problematic aspect of football which many of its fans find most intriguing.

This is clearest in the failure, as in the psyches of men, to effect a complete distinction between identification and desire in the manner in which they are expected. The erotic relation of the male fans to the stars is the evidence of this; men do not merely wish to be the footballers but they also wish to have them. This is tacitly acknowledged by Hornby’s collection of Soccer Stars stickers but is also present in the adult world of football, as an ad for Newcastle Brown Ale on the back cover of Footballer’s World hints. Eleven bottles of beer are shown in an imitation of a team picture, with a grandstand behind. Beneath, the legend: ‘Newcastle Brown Ale. There is no substitute’. Surely the ad is not working on the bias that its audience wishes to be a bottle of beer? Male footballers are desirable, is the premise of the ad: so desirable that there is ‘no substitute’. Contrary to appearances, desire on the football pitch is not tidily refereed by Oedipus.

It is ‘the goal’ that is the ultimate symbol of this desire. The tremendous displays of physical affection and ecstasy of male for male, on the field and in the terraces, that the placing of an inflated pig-skin in a net can provoke is either absurdly grotesque or a beautiful momentary vision of utopia according to whichever perspective you prefer.  Hugging, kissing, jumping on top of one another, delirious with pleasure, young men and old, express for a moment, within the sacred walls of  the football ground, a love that is as exuberant and irrepressible as it is inconceivable outside those walls. The imagery that footballers like to employ  to describe that moment is well-known as sexualised. In the inimitable words of Paul Gascoigne, ‘It’s unbelievable, you feel like shooting your bolt’. In fact the pleasure associated by the hetero male with goals can go far beyond that associated with mere sex. For it is in the ‘goal-fuck’ that the player achieves both his goal of manhood – ‘a fucker’ – and the (semi)-fulfillment of his homoerotic desire – ‘a fucked’.

The Sun newspaper runs a fourteen-page pull-out Goals section every Monday. It is commonly composed of a selection of reaction shots, displaying the rapture of the scoring footballer and his team-mates. With titles like MAN OF THE HOUR, HAPPY HUDDLE, WOT A HERO, CENTRE OF ATTENTION, it parades pictures of players being mobbed and embraced by their team-mates. ‘Huddles’ and ‘attention’ are the reward for being a hero – all this from other men. The photos tell a ‘truth’ of football – that goals are valued for what they buy the scorer in terms of masculine adoration: a few moments of being at the centre of the male gaze and on the receiving end of his body. ‘WOT A HERO…Everton’s David Watson gets the goal treatment’ runs the text beneath a picture of a footballer being hugged and kissed extravagantly by a fellow player. Here is the irony of masculinity in full tabloid colour: the notoriously homophobic Sun newspaper captures the essence of the goal moment for its (male) readers to share in – a few seconds in which men (of the scoring team) are allowed a few moments of ecstatic release of homo-desire. A ‘gay’ pornography for straight men if you will; the equivalent moment of the ‘money’ or ‘come’ shot (but a homosocial rather than a homosexual ‘shoot’ since homosexuality here is still mostly sublimated, for reasons which will become apparent).

Reflecting on the power of a Championship-clinching goal, Hornby considers the orgasm analogy inappropriate because ‘the feelings it [orgasm] engenders are simply not as intense’. He describes the ‘suddenness’ and the ‘powerlessness’ of his feeling that night and the ‘communal ecstasy’ of it. For the male fan, the spectator, his team scoring a goal is not just a realisation of phallic ambition but a passive enjoyment of ‘sex’ and male intimacy that is unthinkable in the orthodox heterosexual bedroom.

But all this ‘joy’ is predicated on ‘pain’; the team scored against and their fans are a study in dejection and humiliation, eyes cast down, spitting, cursing, disgusted with their team and themselves. They have all become, in a symbolic sense at least, merely ‘a fucked’, the shame of which isolates them as much as scoring a goal unites: the terrible private secret of the anus, the vulnerability of the male to penetration, has been made public. The goal mouths of each team are the acceptable representation of the male orifices that must remain hidden and guarded, admitting no entry. ‘Whereas the phallus is essentially social, the anus is essentially private’.[xviii] This is the script of masculinity acted out by football, where goals are publicly celebrated as phallic victories and defeats as private shames.

 They suffered from not having enough penetration and being too vulnerable at the rear.

-BBC football commentator

It is the sublimated eroticism of the anus that makes men social: ‘the entire Oedipus complex is anal’ writes Freud.[xix] When children are forced to abandon the erotic pleasure afforded them by bowel movements and ‘shit to order’, they encounter the first interference with their auto-erotic libido and learn to differentiate between themselves and the world: ‘Defecation affords the first occasion on which the child must decide between a narcissistic and an object-loving attitude’.[xx] The child must ‘sacrifice’ his treasured faeces (until this point regarded as part of himself) to his love (for his mother). Potty-training requires that the child learns to dismiss the often intense eroticism associated with shitting by dismissing the anus and its products and disavowing it as a sexual organ, avowing it instead only as a shitting organ. Mel Gibson told the Spanish newspaper El Pais in 1992 that he was afraid his fans might think he is gay because he is an actor. ‘Do I look like a homosexual? Do I talk like them? Do I move like them?’ He then stood up, pointed to his arse and said, ‘This is only for taking a shit’. Thus the constitution of the boy-child as a social individual, his transformation from narcissism to object-choice libido and onto the genital stage – and thus his success in the world as a man – depends on the sublimation of anality, that is the privatisation of the anus. With so much at stake, given Freud’s contention that anality is not sublimated completely, it is perhaps to be expected that one of the most characteristic features of heterosexual men is obsessive, paranoid concern about their own arses.

 The performance of masculinity in all its various rites, from football to war, ihas more to do with the anxiety a man has about the ‘hole’ hidden between his legs than his phallus, the possession of which he is forever advertising. If, as Quentin Crisp has suggested, homosexuality is the ‘fatal flaw’ in masculinity, then the anus is the fatal flaw in men, a physical flaw that admits the psychical one,one that they must constantly repudiate because their anus, much as they might like to pretend otherwise, is always with them. Unsurprisingly the anus itself comes to represent homosexuality, that is, homosexuality in its passive form, which is the primary meaning of homosexuality in the masculine economy. The ‘fatal flaw’ in the masculine body that men carry round with them at all times, even when they are at their most active, only a few inches from their penis, is the access point for the fatal flaw in masculinity – homosexuality: the restoration of the desiring use of the anus.[xxi] Homosexuality represents not just a desublimation of homoeroticism, making scandously visible the invisible bond that binds men together, but also a desublimation of anality, a publication of that which must be kept private about the male body, and thus a dissolution of the whole masculine sense of self – predicated as it is upon secrecy and paranoia.

The first thing a soldier learns is to keep his asshole shut before going into battle.

-Attributed to Norman Mailer

The violence often associated with football is used to suggest that football is, in effect, some form of surrogate war: ‘We do it because we haven’t had a good war for a while’, surmised a young hooligan in a recent TV documentary.  But football does not substitute for war; rather, both boys’ games dramatise the paranoid anal anxieties of men and offer some kind of resolution, one more bloody than the other, in which the ‘honour’ of the nation and the team is really the maintenance of the masculine hymen.

Shedding some light on this phenomenon is Hornby’s experiences on the terraces during the Gulf War:

The North Bank chanted ‘Saddam Hussein is a homosexual’ and ‘Saddam runs from Arsenal’. The first message is scarcely in need of decoding; in the second, ‘Arsenal’ refers to the fans rather than the players. Which makes the chant self-aggrandising, rather than ridiculing, and which paradoxically reveals a respect for the Iraqi leader absent in the speculation about his sexual preference. A consistent ideology is probably too much to ask for’.[xxii]

It goes without saying that the anecdote illustrates that the worst possible insult to a man’s virility is still the accusation of homosexuality. But as Hornby notes, the second chant relies on a certain respect for Hussein, which appears to contradict the first chant. But Hornby’s puzzlement over this ‘inconsistent’ ideology stems from his belief that ‘Sadam Hussein is a homosexual’ needs no decoding.

In fact the homosexual represents not just something despicable and ridiculous; he is not just the man who allows himself to be fucked. He also has a secondary status in which he represents a terrible threat to the heterosexual male because he, for all his ‘castration’, still has a penis and the heterosexual male still has an anus, tingling with forbidden anality. So the fear of the heterosexual man’s own anality and his own homosexuality is projected into the homosexual who becomes the anal rapist, the invader. Saddam Hussein as a ‘homosexual’ is a term of simple abuse: he is despicable. But Saddam also ‘runs from Arsenal’: the powerful dictator threatens British manhood, to ‘fuck’ and unman them. But they project their fear onto him and ‘fuck’ him instead (or ‘Saddamize’ him as one US t-shirt had it at the time).[xxiii] Any victim of queer-bashing will describe how the bashers came in a group and were all armed with baseball bats or knives – straight men have enormous respect for the homosexual male.

But the real enemy is man’s own body and his forbidden erotic relation to it. Norman Mailer is right when he says ‘Being a man is the continuing battle of one’s life’.[xxiv] Man is locked in a battle against himself that has no final resolution except in death. A man can ‘hardly ever assume he has become a man’,[xxv] being a man is a state of constant negation, there being nothing to avow that is as significant as the disavowal. The penis can be taken away but the anus cannot – it can only be used. In football the anus ‘pushes’ men more than the phallus ‘pulls’ them.

This is shown in the sacrament of the free-kick line-up. The defending players stand in front of their goal, their hands over their balls, while the other side take a ‘free kick’. The boys have mis-behaved (i.e. committed a foul) and the referee father figure/super-ego intervenes and ‘penalises’ the offenders with the threat of castration/a goal scored against them. They stand protecting their ‘manhood’ with their hands as if in penitent prayer while the enemy does his best to penetrate their goal; the hands that cover their testicles are also covering the entrance to that secret dark place of which the goal is the acceptable signification.

Which brings us back to the image of Jones/Gascoigne. Jones’s hand is on Gascoigne’s balls, but on one level – that of the anxieties of the hetero male – it might almost be up his rectum. The startled, painful expression that Gascoigne wears could easily be a caricature of anal rape; his mouth is stretched open wider than even this mouthy Geordie has ever managed before. The rape symbolism is enhanced when we hear from his coach that after the match: ‘He just sat in the dressing –room staring into space, his eyes all red from rubbing away the tears. He was crying out of shock and frustration…He was genuinely in a deep state of shock. Anything anybody said to him to try to buck him up wouldn’t sink in. That’s what made us realise just how bad the experience had been, and how much it had upset him.’[xxvi] Of course this is not anal penetration as any gay man who has experienced it knows it – this is pain, horror, humiliation: to be ‘a fucked’ is here equivalent to the threat of castration.

The man responsible for this display eagerly casts himself in the role of the Oedipal father who must wield the shears for the sake of his son’s ‘proper’ development: ‘I tell you. He was still a baby then and that experience helped him. Alright he got a bit upset et cetera, but he’s a much stronger lad for it. He grew up within six months after I done that to ‘im. I mean, I dunno, I don’t know why he keeps whingeing. I think that game opened his eyes up a lot’.

It is the Oedipal plot-line of the Jones/Gascoigne image (the latter saved from blindness by his hard father’s intervention) which helped to bring Gascoigne so close to the hearts of the footballing public. Thanks to the telephoto lens his transformation from boy to man was a drama they shared in, adding this image to the footballing iconography. Gascoigne’s ‘castration’ and ‘rape’ could be enjoyed because they were merely symbolic threats and resolved themselves oedipally into Gascoigne’s arrival into manhood: the appearance of ‘castration’ on the football field can thus be harnessed to its disavowal.

The footballer’s body offers the spectator another way of disavowing the possibility of rape/castration. All that running around produces a physical reassurance against the possibility of penetration: the famous footballer’s arse. The swollen gluteus maximus and quadriceps are the strong, sturdy, vigilant ‘goalkeepers’ of his rectum.  But as ever, the disavowal contains within it the seeds of its failure: the overdeveloped legs and arses of footballers have the effect of drawing the spectator’s eye to them, so that the male rectum, his ‘ass’, which is after all at the centre of the physical performance of football, a fulcrum around which all the sprinting and ‘ball skills’ revolve, becomes the unacknowledged centre of attention. This is why the Football Association will never allow footballers to wear lycra shorts as other athletes do now –replacing the baggy shorts with sheer elasticated material would expose the footballer’s rump to far too much inspection. (It is interesting to note that footballers have begun to wear these pants under their shorts. Is this because of the ‘sexiness’ of them – all that clinging – or is it because of their ‘added protection’? Both, at the same time, is probably the answer).

But for the most part the male body in its very ‘maleness’, both in appearance and performance, is a method of disavowal and one of the greatest ‘goals’ in football. The biggest insult is to be accused of looking like a ‘big woman’ or a ‘big poof’; the greatest accolade is to ‘look like a man’. ‘He was built like a man’, observes The Guardian (6 February 1993), eulogising the Manchester United player Duncan Edwards on the 35th anniversary of his death. A team-mate is quoted as saying, ‘he was not tall; but his torso and his legs, bloody hell. He was something else’. Bobby Charlton continues in the same virile theme: ‘He was as near-perfect as you could get, he was like a man playing with boys’.

But the famous footballer whose body is phallicised by virtue of its solid shape is perhaps the exception: the ‘beauty’ of the game is precisely in the way in which a player is able, by dint of stamina and ‘ball skills’, to appropriate himself and his body, phallic attributes that would otherwise never be his. George Best is perhaps the greatest example of this; with his slender frame and delicate looks he resembled the kind of boy bigger boys might bully just for the hell of it. But through football he became one of the most admired men in British history, one whose ‘feminine’ appearance became a virtue rather than a weakness, something fans from that era can remember fondly: ‘Apart from the lithe grace of his body’, writes Hugh McIlvanney in The Observer Magazine (18 October 1992), ‘his attractiveness had much to do with colouring, with the vivid blue eyes set wide in a dark, mischievous face framed by luxuriant black hair’.

Hair, that famous feature that hovers between accessory and body part, has had a particularly revealing relationship to football, showing how ‘the feminine’ can be accommodated and even celebrated in players by virtue of their skill. In an article on football haircuts in Footballer’s World (no. 1 1993), Adam Leyland sings the praises of long hair: ‘Flair went out of the game when players started to have short haircuts’, he complains. Long hair is equated not with femininity but with masculine strength. ‘For a flair player, his hair is his inspiration, his strength. Like ‘Sampson and Delilah’ really’.  Long hair and the implied ‘feminine’ association become wholly appropriated by the footballer into masculine confidence; an affectation becomes ‘flair’. ‘Chrissie Waddle? Long flowing locks like something from a timotei advert, and with silky skills to match’. ‘Chrissie’ Waddle is compared to a female model in a shampoo ad but it’s ok – ‘he has silky skills to match’. But as ever, there turns out to be a threshold beyond which even this hair enthusiast will not step, a point of masculine no return. What might this be? Perms. ‘The appalling, the embarrassing perm, which made nerds of the most fantastic players (Kevin Keagan, Charlie George) and ‘girlie’ pansies of the toughest (Bryan Robson, Graeme Souness).’ Apparently, even the most ‘fantastic’ and ‘toughest’ players cannot dribble their way out of the affront to masculine sensibilities that a perm on a footballer represents.

For all the paranoia of the football world and its zealous enforcement of a highly restrictive code of manhood, much of its appeal is bound up in what Alan Sinfield might call its faultlines,[xxvii] its opportunities for dissident readings: interpretations which do not reinforce the coherence of the dominant order but rather show up its contradictions and perhaps offer some escape from its diktat. This perhaps can be seen in the fascination of the fans with the ‘feminine’ grace and beauty of the game and its players (and their hair). The Gascoigne myth, for all his public Oedipalisation discussed above, also offers an alternative reading in which his enormous popularity with tabloid readers is more than just a result of his laddishness and compulsive gurning. It has much to do with his babyishness- you never quite know what he will do next, burst into tears, touch his nose with his tongue or just pull out his dick and start playing with himself absent-mindedly like an infant who knows no better.

Gascoigne the footballer embodies ‘unmanly’ contradictions that go beyond the usual ‘boys-together’ prankstering that make him such a curious phenomenon: the boorishness and the sensitivity, the burping and the crying. There is an awkwardness and a hint of ambiguity about this slightly pubescent Geordie boy – circumscribed, of course, by a phallic certainty (the results of his amazing ‘ball skills’). Thus he is a ‘highly charged spectacle on the field of play; fierce and comic, formidable and vulnerable, urchin- like and waif-like, a strong head and torso with comparatively frail looking breakable legs’ but finally, ‘tense and upright, a priapic monolith…’ observes Karl Miller in the London Review Of Books (30 June 1990). Gascoigne’s ambiguities are only attractive, indeed only permitted, on the basis of his phallicism; but perhaps this is to miss the point that his phallicism is only so attractive when taken in contrast with his ambiguities. This phallic–but-frail appeal of Gascoigne is something that appears to obsess journalists. Gordon Burn, writing in Esquire (November 1992), spends the first two paragraphs of his interview with Gascoigne ruminating on the ‘fifteen inch purple giblet’ that is the scar tissue on his knee: ‘the fact is that there is something unquestionably tumescent about the colour and texture and fat engorgement of Gazza’s war wound…’ So the very thing that symbolises Gazza’s vulnerability, the reckless and self-inflicted knee-wound that removed him from the field of play and reduced him to a tearful, prostate blubbering mass, is itself phallicised and becomes that ultimate masculine accolade: a ‘war-wound’.

Of course, there is a ‘weakness’ that cannot be redeemed, a ‘frailty’ that does not complement phallicism, a dissidence that cannot be reconciled to virility.

But love has pitched its mansion in the place of excrement.

-W.B.Yeats

Such is the prime importance of the footballer’s body to himself and his fans that it should not be so surprising that AIDS sends them (and basketball players – cf. Magic Johnson’s forced retirement) running for the showers: it is actually because they are ‘big boys’ that they are scared. A fatal disease, commonly believed to be caught by gay men who allow themselves to be penetrated, AIDS is the paternal law made avenging virus. A man who allows himself to be fucked, who gives in to homosexual desire and adopts a ‘feminine’ position, surrenders his phallic power and ‘unmans’ himself, and since, according to Freud, the fear of death is but a shadow of the fear of castration, the incurable and terminal prognosis for those with AIDS is merely the harsh but ‘just’ verdict of The Fathers.

AIDS is the nightmare that fulfils all the superstitious Oedipal anxieties of the heterosexual male, a grisly penalty for trans-gressing the anti-homosexual/anal erotic taboo that confirms them in all their private paranoias. Worse, in the mind of the male athlete/footballer, it not only eventually kills/castrates, but also leads to the wasting of the body that they set so much store by, publicly humiliating them.

Gay football referee Norman Redman discovered to his cost just how powerful the symbol of AIDS can be in the football world. In 1987 when he refused to hide his HIV – positive status from the press, whose interest had in turn been aroused by his refusal to hide his homosexuality. A whirlwind of condemnation engulfed him, and, according to Gay Times (January 1993), he had to move from his Sussex home to a secret address because he received ‘abusive phone calls and even had excrement pushed through his letterbox’.

Redman (who died of AIDS –related illness in 1993) was a gay man with ‘Arse Injected Death Sentence’ (as schoolboys tagged it at the time) who had the misfortune of acting as a lightning conductor to all the unsuccessfully repressed anality of the soccer world. Sublimation of anality makes shit a private thing; before sublimation the infant is likely to offer turds as gifts. In a twisted version of this, excrement is pushed through his letterbox as if to say ‘here, this shit of mine is really yours’, a ‘gift’ that disavows anality.

Around the same time the FA provided us with another spectacle of masculine paranoia associated with ‘the beautiful game’ when they took it upon themselves to try to ban kissing between players after goal-scoring, on the grounds that it was ‘necessary to prevent the spread of HIV’. Of course there was an element of expediency here – the old duffers at the FA had never been fond of the on-pitch puckering. But their dislike of men kissing and their hysterical fear of AIDS undoubtedly stemmed from the same source: the constant need to guard against any manifestations of homosexuality. In the sad and slightly mad universe of these ghastly men, two boys kissing betokened a taint of homosexuality that might of itself spontaneously generate AIDS in their newly desirous anuses.

Naturally their antics had the exact reverse effect to the one they intended. They shouted to the world (which was still denying it at the time) that there were such creatures as gay footballers and drew attention to the paranoia/jealousy of these cigar-sucking middle-aged men over the young studs in their charge. Freud identified something he called ‘delusional jealousy’ in heterosexual men, a jealousy based on the denial of homosexual desire: ‘I do not love him – it is she who loves him’.  In the world of football, where women have been abolished, this ‘jealousy’ is probably directed to policing the (delusional) manifestation of homosexual desire in the players themselves, there being nowhere else to protect it.

Once understood, the sublimation – threatened desublimation – sublimation pattern of football’s treatment of homo-desire (i.e. repressive sublimation) becomes farcical to the point of slapstick. The Sun presents a full-page colour picture of ‘striker’ David Hirst in the classic football ‘come-shot’ pose, smiling wildly, arms in the air, a team-mate mounted on his back, wrapping his legs and arms around him and (apparently) kissing him. ATKY CALLED ME A POOF FOR HAVING AN EARRING screams the headline. Ron Atkinson disliked his players wearing earrings. ‘No player of mine wears those bloody things. Only poofs have earrings’ stormed ‘Atky’ according to Hirst, in what would appear to be a classic display of delusional jealousy (note especially, ‘no player of mine’).

Even more illustrative of the pattern is the way the report begins: Heaven knows what they would have thought at the pit head. A Barnsley miner’s son with a gold ring in his ear?’ As a number of them probably wear earrings themselves it is unlikely that they would have thought anything. So the Sun ups the stakes and tells us ‘And when it is not an earring it is a diamond stud’. A diamond stud no less, stone the crows! But do not be alarmed, the Sun quickly recoups our beloved footballer’s virility by turning it into a sign of a thoroughly modern male individualism and self-assurance: ‘But Sheffield Wednesday striker David Hirst is not too concerned about how Yorkshiremen should always come over like Fred Trueman’. In case this does not drive the point home, the following paragraph directs our attention to Hirst’s body: ‘At 13 stone and as sturdy as one of the pit props that support the Grimethorpe colliery where his old man Eric worked at the face, you do not tend to argue the point either’.

Of course the Sun knows very well that this is a fake piece of ‘scandal’: men wearing earrings ceased to be a cause for comment in Britain more than ten years ago.  This is precisely why it uses this storyline. First it offers the image of ‘sturdy’ Hirst in ecstasy, his chum climbing on his back, an image that relies upon the reader’s sublimation of homoeroticism in order not to appear preposterous. The threat of desublimation implicit in the picture is then almost realised in the headline ‘Atky called me a poof…’ but phew, the threat turns out to be something silly about an earring. Nevertheless, the readership needs even more reassurance, so the phoney conflict between Hirst and his father is set up in the first paragraph only to be resolved by turning him into a phallic pit prop at the coal face where his father worked. The bitterest irony of the repressive resublimation game played out here is that we are reassured about Hirst’s virility, his ‘non-queer’ status, by invoking the phallic appeal of his body (the comparison with Fred Trueman is also designed to emphasise Hirst’s sexy narcissism  compared to the dour pipe-smoking Yorkshireman of the pre-male glamour era). It is Hocqenghem’s circle again: that which is queer is non-virile, and therefore not desirable to other men: that which is virile is not queer and therefore desirable.

Football is all very well as a game for rough girls, but it is hardly suitable for delicate boys.

 -Oscar Wilde

Football and other team sports do not appeal to many gay men. It might be argued that with their homosexuality completely (or mostly) desublimated they have no need for them; for gay men team sports are experienced not as sexualised aggression, just aggression. The rough and tumble of the sport is just that: there is no sublimated thrill to be achieved. Nevertheless, there are of course many[sic] gay and bisexual men who enjoy watching and playing football. And some of them are playing it professionally, as has always been the case, though they are almost all fiercely closeted. But if the football pitch is a stage on which the only performance permitted is ‘acting like a man’, it seems that the casting has recently been amended to include actors who were automatically shown the red card before: ‘out’ homosexuals.

After an initially turbulent period in which players muttered darkly about refusing to share showers, black footballer Justin Fashanu, who came out to the Sun newspaper several years ago, seems to have been accepted by the sport. Homophobia ‘almost never raises its head’, he told the Independent (19 March 1992).

But what about the threat of homo-desire and anality? The fear of desublimation of the male bond? The threat of ‘castration’ by the ‘feminising’ penetration of another man which, as in Freud’s case history ‘Schreber’, is both desired and feared at the same time. Has all this disappeared in a puff of liberal smoke? Has Fashanu by his example single-handedly changed the meaning of football? Has the phallocentric economy been disrupted?

The answer is almost certainly ‘no’. The ‘gay footballer’ has forced a renegotiation but probably not a serious change. Male opinion, confronted with the increasing visibility of homosexuals on the sporting field, has been ‘educated’ to differentiate between the homosexual and Homosexuality, preserving the sexual symbolism of the sport and of masculinity itself. An ‘exceptional’ homosexual may be a footballer from time to time, but Homosexuality itself is kept at bay. Alongside this, a distinction is also made between the homosexual and the Homosexual, since ironically it is the apparently ‘passive’ Homosexual upon whom the straight man projects his fear and fascination with his own anality and by whom he fears ‘penetration’.

This differentiation is one that many gay men have employed themselves for years. ‘I get respect’ Fashanu tells us, ‘I’m not a 5’ 2” effeminate stereotype. People say football is a macho  business, but I think I’m very macho’.

The Fashanu phenomenon seems to have shown that the active homosexual (and it matters not one jot what Fashanu in fact does in his bedroom – something about which the public knows nothing – compared to how he acts on the field) who takes part in active sports, apparently disavowing the ‘feminine’ and penetration as much as if not more than his straight pals, can now gain an honorary, uneasy, membership of the male club.[xxviii]

Boys or girls, up the pussy or the arse, whichever you prefer, but you’ve got to remember there’s a cock between your legs and you’re a man.

 Rather than take the advice  of Colin McInnes’ fictional father, the man intent on breaking away from the Oedipal triangle, the binarisms of love and hate, phallus and castration, masculine and feminine, identification and desire, active and passive, should perhaps listen instead to Leo Bersani, who in his article ‘Is The Rectum A Grave?’[xxix] recommends ‘a radical disintegration and humiliation of the self’ similar to Hocquenghem’s endorsement of homosexual anality. Bersani accepts that being penetrated renders the penetrated powerless and the penetrator powerful, but suggests that this ‘castration’ is one that should be welcomed as one in which the male body can be feminised and the masculine ‘moi’ can be ‘shattered’. This leads him to endorse the most feared and loathed image society has of the homosexual male: the ‘seductive’ and ‘intolerable image of a grown man, legs high in the air, unable to refuse the suicidal ecstasy of being a woman’.

This strategy, it has to be admitted, is unlikely to win any football matches.

—————————————————

Note from Quiet Riot Girl, March 2012

This is an extract from Male Impersonators by Mark Simpson (1994, Cassell).  Male Impersonators is available to buy on Kindle.

Justin Fashanu, the only ‘out’ homosexual footballer at the time Simpson wrote this chapter, took his own life in 1998. There has not been another out professional football player in the UK since. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Justin_Fashanu


Notes from the original text

[i] From an unpublished novel, quoted in Tony Gould, Inside Outsider: The Life and Times of Colin McInnes (London: Chatto and Windus 1983), p89.

[ii] Quoted in New Statesman and Society, 19 March 1993

[iii] Simon Barnes: ‘The Harder They  Come’ Esquire, November 1992

[iv] Nick Hornby Fever Pitch: A Fan’s Life (London, Victor Gollancz 1992) , p11

[v] Ibid p11

[vi]Eve Kosofsky Sedgewick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosexual Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985) (quoted in Lynne Segal’s Slow Motion, p 143).

[vii] Guy Hocqenghem, Homosexual Desire (London:Allison and Busby, 1978) p106

[viii] Hornby, p28

[ix] Guardian 5 january 1993

[x] Hornby p16

[xi] Ibid p27

[xii] Derek Hatton Inside Left 9 (London:Bloomsbury, 1988), quoted in Lynne Segal’s Slow Motion (London:Virago, 1990) p127

[xiii]Hornby p15

[xiv] Ibid p123

[xv] Freud, The Ego And The Id

[xvi] Hornby p169

[xvii] Ibid p58

[xviii] Guy Hocquenghem, Homosexual Desire p82

[xix] Freud, On Narcissism, An Introduction

[xx] Freud, ‘On Transformations of Instinct As Exemplified by Eroticism’

[xxi] Hocqenghem, Homosexual Desire p84

[xxii] Hornby p239

[xxiii]Even the name, Arse-nal (as it is chanted) conjures up this aggressive denial of anality. It is the perfect football club name since it conjurs up that which is at the centre of the sport – the male anus – and then turns it into an aggressive phallic thing (an Arsenal, a place where weapons are kept), i.e. sublimates it (the symbol of the team is a canon and their nickname is ‘the Gunners’).

[xxiv] Norman Mailer, Advertisements for Myself (New York: Putnam, 1959) p222

[xxv] Norman Mailer, Prisoner of Sex (Boston, Little Brown and Co 1985) p168

[xxvi] ‘Gazza: The Interview’ Esquire, November 1992

[xxvii] Alan Sinfield, Faultlines: Cultural Materialism and The Politics of Dissident Reading (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1992)

[xxviii] Fashanu’s blackness is, of course,a matter of importance as well, perhaps fitting him into a racist white fantasy of exotic ‘otherness’. Also, his statements about bisexuality perhaps help to frame him, in the public’s mind as a ‘fucker’: i.e.’boys or girls up the pussy or the arse’.

[xxix] Leo Bersani, ‘Is The Rectum A Grave?’ October, 1987, No.43

Big Tits! Masochism and Transformation in BodyBuilding

Big Tits! Masochism and Transformation in BodyBuilding

One of the ways boys get interested in other boys is by building up their own bodies. Young men are often much interested in advertisements for bar-bells or similar exercisers which promise big muscles and strong arms and legs. Boys who have inferior physiques are intrigued by the ads which describe how seven-stone weaklings are transformed into muscle men… In some respects this is all well and good. I’m in favour of boys being strong and muscular and healthy.  But the trouble is that some get so interested in their own bodies while they are preoccupied with building themselves up that in time they can think of little else. Inevitably, too, they compare their bodies with those of other boys, and they both admire and envy those with better bodies than their own. This admiration can take the form of being sexually aroused by the others, and out of this comes the desire to have sex with the body of another person.

Wardell B Pomoroy, Boys and Sex [i]

The young, almost exclusively male, crowd is in a state of palpable excitement. Many are jumping out of their seats, faces shiny and expectant with joy. On stage, a man completely nude except for a pair of briefs that appear, like his orange ‘sun tan’, to have been painted on offers up his body to their rapacious gaze. On his face a strangely disturbing look of pleasure and pain, expressed  in a tight, laboured grin, that stays immobile as he turns first this way and then that in a routine that has been rehearsed a  thousand times in front of his  bedroom mirror. His movements are vaguely in time to Bon Jovi’s ‘The Final Countdown’ which is huffing and puffing over the PA. Preposterous rock meets preposterous body. Each movement flows into a new pose, framing his body in a fresh way, offering the wide-eyed audience more strained and strained flesh to feast on. They yell encouragement, egging him on; compressed air horns shriek; amidst the clamour a friend shouts ‘Do it Dave!’ The huge veins in his neck throb with the exertion and rush of it all and his whole body flexes and pumps like one enormous, grotesque organ.The throb gets under his skin and extends across his whole body, galvanising his skin like some kind of demented wiring alive with electricity. The throb seems to drown out Bon Jovi, also reaching his own inflated climax, and the man brings his huge frame round to face the audience, bends forward, still grinning at the now completely berserk boys in the auditorium, and brings his arms half-way out from his body, bent at the elbows, hands clenched into and fists and pointing at one another, flexing his whole upper torso, doubling the size of his shoulders, chest and neck, swelling the muscles and veins to the point where it seems he will at any moment explode into 16 stones of Bolognese sauce. This is the ‘most muscular’ pose and the final frightening flourish of his routine. The boys in the audience recognize the finale and are beside themselves now: the cry goes up from a hundred lusty lungs, ‘Beef! Beef! Beef!’

This is the bizarre world of competitive bodybuilding.

The music ends and the vast mound of muscle and gristle leaves the stage punching the air with his fists to whoops and cheers. Now the women bodybuilders take the stage. The young men begin to yawn and chatter amongst themselves; many wander out of the auditorium to the foyer to buy some of the various high – protein snacks and dietary supplements on offer that feature promising ‘enormous gains’.  Others peruse the glossy muscle-mags and ‘how-to’ literature with such titles as Rip Up! Muscleblasting!, Posing!, Big Legs!, and Big Chest!, the mandatory exclamation marks hysterically advertising the shots of exciting, naked male flesh on offer.

Pomeroy’s fears, expressed in 1968, when bodybuilding was in its infancy, would appear to have been borne out. Bodybuilding seems to have led to a cult of the male body that brings about obvious homosexual behaviour in young men. The preoccupation with their own bodies, the comparing of them with other boys, the admiration and envy that this entails must lead to sexual arousal and inevitably to ‘the desire to have sex with the body of another person’.

Except this is almost certainly not the case. In fact, body-building does not interest boys in other boys – that interest is already palpably there. What bodybuilding does, ironically, is to allow them to direct that interest in a way that is socially acceptable. Since Pomeroy, bodybuilding has come to be seen as a means by which boys can turn desire into identification. Most of the boys who take up bodybuilding are almost certainly motivated by the same wish to avoid homosexuality that so concerned the sexual ‘liberal’ Pomeroy. The vast majority of the boys attending the body-building competitions like the one described above are heterosexual-identified and few, if any, of their friends consider their antics queer; quite the reverse: they are taken as the quintessence of virile heterosexuality.

It is easy to see where (besides projection) Pomeroy’s concern came from. In his day bodybuilding was regarded as something indecent, something rather perverse. It was associated with sleazy Athletic Model Guild and ‘physical culturist’ magazines; a world of irresponsible young drop-outs and hustlers in Venice Beach, living off older ‘patrons’, who described themselves as enthusiastic admirers of the male form and collectors of Greco-Roman sculpture. For a man of Pomeroy’s generation, to draw attention to the male body in anything other than gladiator movies (the license of exoticism, the justification of historical edification) was considered improper, so it is easy to understand how and interest in the male body would be construed as deviant. Unlike ‘proper’ sports, bodybuilding does not displace the interest in the male body into activity; instead it focuses unashamedly on the corpus virile. Pomeroy’s concern that an interest in their own bodies would lead boys to homosexuality is revealing: it shows how in his time the male body was considered so attractive that it had to be denied, even by those who possessed one; boys had to look away from their bodies or else, before you knew it, they would have their hands down their best mate’s trousers.

But that was before Arnold Schwarzenegger. Through films like Pumping Iron, this five times Mr Universe and seven times Mr Olympia popularised bodybuilding and brought it into the mainstream by exorcising some of its unpleasant and unwholesome associations. With his Republican ‘Mr Clean’ image of upright, responsible heterosexuality, Schwarzenegger taught America that it had nothing to fear from bodybuilding, that it would not lead its boys along the path mapped out by Pomeroy. Instead it became apparent that bodybuilding could be an adaptation of masculinity to the radical changes that had occurred in sexual politics and attitudes to the male body in the 1960s and 1970s that left the essentials – heterosexuality and patriotic conservatism – more or less intact.  The bodybuilder in the shape of Schwarzenegger, rather than ignore or blindly resist change, mobilised a new narcissistic but fiercely heterosexual masculinity in support of reactionary formations. In effect, the bodybuilder was the fleshy representation of the New Right regressive revolution: in tune with developments in popular culture but deploying them for a right-wing agenda.

Arnie’s murderous antics in films such as Conan the Barbarian (1985), The Terminator (1984), Predator (1987) and Commando (1985), along with those of Sylvester Stallone in the Rambo and Rocky series, portrayed the bodybuilder to young America as a fantastic warrior/patriot, a role that legitimised gazing at his body at the same time as disavowing any suggesting of passivity: the most active Hollywood stance being, of course, that of the killer. And since bodybuilders had the most passivity to disavow they were invariably the most prolific killers, taking the average body count in in the Hollywood war/action film into the realms of a tactical nuclear exchange. The more exaggerated the musculature, the more it had to explain and justify itself in mounds of dead bodies. The psychopathic individualism of the Hollywood bodybuilder-killer neatly fitted into the Reaganite discourse of personal responsibility and individual liberty and the retreat from public space into the most private space of all- the body (one area where the individual was sure to be in control). This was especially attractive to men who had felt challenged by the advances of feminism and the gay movement. The genre of bodybuilder-killer films represented an attempt to restate masculinity in terms of the most hysterically exaggerated ‘masculine’ signification, a signification that would have been regarded as ‘camp’ a decade earlier.

So in Commando, directed by Mark Lester, Schwarzenegger waddling around barely able to walk due to the over-development of his quadriceps (leg muscles),his rumpsteak body smeared with camouflage paint and carefully always on display either through cute cut-off combat jackets or helpfully denuded by high explosives, is presented to us as a ‘crack’ soldier. On top of his muscle drag he dons even more macho accessories; putting on a flak jacket laden with munitions and slinging an armoury of weaponry around his torso until he resembles nothing so much as a walking advertisement for the insecurity of 1980s man. Then we witness him despatching an entire South American army single-handedly with his – inevitably – enormous gun. As the bodies of the South American soldiers pile up, the American bodybuilder-killer proves his racial and sexual superiority over the wop weaklings. All this is done ostensibly to rescue his daughter from an enemy who wears leather pants, a moustache and a tight net vest. Thus the enjoyment of the spectacle fof Schwarzenegger’s  sweating muscles is drawn into a heterosexual plotline, one that nicely emphasises the boundless power of the heterosexual male body next to the helplessness of the female, its virtue next to the homosexual, as well as illustrating the fantastic, phallic killing machine’s touching human capacity for ‘tenderness’.

The breathtaking gall, and the astonishing achievement, of films like Commando is that men’s bodybuilding – the obsessive interest of men in men’s bodies – and the appropriation of gay macho drag by heterosexual men became both a reassertion of the masculine body’s ‘natural’ superiority over the female and a disavowal of homosexuality.

The paradoxical heterosexual reassurance/homoerotic enjoyment that the muscular male body offered popular culture had been a mainstay of comic strips for boys since the 1940s. But Spiderman and Superman were closeted bodybuilders: they wore bodysuits that decently covered flesh and masks that disguised their identity; their lives were rigidly divided between body-less bourgeois respectability and muscular super-hero fantasy; they led a ‘double-life’ that no one knew about and were never seen to be at the gym. In the 1980s the bodysuits and the masks were discarded and the bodybuilder was presented naked and shameless, flaunting his private vice to the world.

Hollywood got in on the act with Masters Of The Universe (1987), directed by Edward Pressman,  a film version of the He-Man cartoons. Dolph Lungdren in the title role, wearing a posing pouch and leather thongs, battles for control of the universe with the evil Skeletor. Right comely muscular manliness, He-Man, is thus contrasted with wrong repulsive unmuscular unmanliness, Skeletor/skeleton (whose body is never shown). As with Commando et al, the female character, in the form of She-Woman (not a bodybuilder) helps both to heterosexualise the muscle man in the leather thongs and to further exaggerate his manly attributes. And again the baddy is coded as a queer threat to He-Man’s heterosexual virility: ‘I’ll have He-Man kneeling at my feet!’ he vows and plots to steal He-Man’s gigantic sword; when He-Man falls into his clutches he has him flogged with an electric whip. He-Man, the upright hetero bodybuilder, refuses to kneel before this parody of a man (in fact he seems to almost enjoy the whipping) and breaks free for the fight finale, in which he and Skeletor battle over the outsized sword – the key, need it be added, to control the universe. He-Man wins the day and thrusts his sword into the air, shouting, ‘I have the power!’ as white lightning squirts out of its tip. This was kids’ entertainment in the 1980s.

In Britain in the 1990s the adult and childish interest in bodybuilding came together in a TV programme called Gladiators (based on American Gladiators). With names like Hawk, Wolf, Warrior and Saracen, the cartoon mythology of the bodybuilder-as-hero was translated into prime-time TV with real rather than fantasy flesh on display[ii]. And like the bodybuilder films of the 1980s Gladiators was a stage for the male bodybuilder. Unlike its American equivalent the British version’s first season did not employ female gladiators who were obviously muscular; instead feminine glamour was, once again, cast to flatter the phallic power of the male bodybuilder.

By the beginning of the 1980s the ‘out’ bodybuilder was so acceptable as a role model that the killer/warrior disavowal was no longer necessary. Thus Schwarzenegger played a guardian angel role in Terminator II, protecting a mother and her child, in contrast to his original 1984 bad guy role (significantly, the baddy in Terminator II is not a bodybuilder). In less than ten years the bodybuilder had gone from demonic alien threat to self-sacrificing angel. Now he launches ‘Arnold’s fitness for kids’ and merchandises a hero myth to explain his life-long love affair with his own body:

Young Arnold watched helplessly as his best friend in class was beaten up by a thug of 13… ‘At that moment I made up my mind that I, too, would make myself fit. I would work hard to develp a body like our school bully’s – but I would use it very differently.’

The Sun, (7 April 1993)

In keeping with this trend the bodybuilders of Gladiators are promoted to their young fans as upright citizens (the bizarre is used to shore up the mundane again) with an anti-drugs, pro-decency stance. Like the appointment of Schwarzenegger to health spokesman by the Bush administration, this demonstrates the key importance of bodybuilding, once regarded as something distinctly deviant, in socialising young people – young boys – into acceptable paths of development. As Tom Green writes about Venice Beach and gymnasia in his biography Arnold, ‘Two decades ago, most of the people who today flock to box offices to buy tickets to a Arnold Schwarzenegger movie wouldn’t have thought those places very savoury.’ Two decades ago these same people would have been shocked if they caught their boy with a magazine with a picture of Arnold in it; now they think nothing of their son’s plastering posters of him on his bedroom walls, reading his Education Of A Bodybuilder religiously, and spending all his pocket money on gym membership and food supplements.

But while the appropriation of bodybuilding to buttress the image of an increasingly unstable masculinity appears to have been phenomenally successful, it is itself inherently unstable, its unsavoury past always threatening to gatecrash its new-found respectability and expose masculinity’s own scandalous secrets. As Corinne Sweet and Peter Baker wrote, in an article on steroid abuse and violent crime:

‘While the English federation of bodybuilders estimates that there are 200,000 bodybuilders in Britain, Bodypower magazine puts the figure at closer to 500,000 – and 80 per cent of those at competition level are believed to be on steroids. Several needle exchange schemes have found that up to half their clients are body builders’. (Guardian 6 August 1992)

That serious body building and drug abuse go hand in hand is widely accepted, but this reality is conveniently forgotten in the deployment of bodybuilder as super-hero. It is a testament to the tremendous disavowal at work in bodybuilding (and masculinity) that the terrific, not to say unnatural , muscular development of the modern bodybuilder image used to promote Truth, Justice and the American (and now the British) Way is largely dependent upon the abuse of anabolic steroids. Once this disavowal breaks down and the phenomenon is opened up to enquiry, psychopathic tendencies emerge. According to one Detective Inspector interviewed in the same Guardian article, steroid abuse is frequently associated  with rape and murder as a result of what is termed ‘roid rage’:

‘One man told me he was a pussycat before steroids and a monster with a permanent erection after. In my opinion, there’s strong evidence that steroid abuse can directly relate to sexual and violent crimes’.

The heroic image of modern bodybuilding is so volatile that it always threatens to invert itself. Presenting a picture of health, clean living, personal cultivation and conservatism, a modern religion for kids, it contains within itself the potential to topple over into its opposite: madness, sleaze, self-abuse and criminality. Like masculinity, it advertises a superficial strength which turns out not to bear close examination.

But there is something much more pervasive and even more dangerous than drugs that bodybuilding threatens to tip over into.

I couldn’t let this go on any longer. ‘Is this a gay gym?’ I asked.

‘Look honey’ he replied. ‘All gyms are gay’. I examined the men by the machines. There Austin seemed right. ‘But what about them?’ I asked, pointing to the free-weight lifters.

Austin laughed out loud. ‘Especially them’ he said. ‘They just don’t know it yet’.[iii]

Although Pomeroy’s suspicion of bodybuilding is certainly outmoded it has not disappeared, nor is it likely to. While the efforts of Arnold and Co. have done much to convince the world that body-building is impeccably heterosexual it cannot erase the fact that its use as a way of socialising young males into heterosexuality is utterly predicated upon its homoerotic appeal. This is the contradiction which no clean-up campaign will ever dispense with because if it did there would be no bodybuilding.

Pomeroy was right to suspect that bodybuilding involves the eroticisation of masculine attributes, but wrong to believe that this leads necessarily to homosex. In fact it employs the desire for the manly body against homosexuality. For the masculine attributes to be eroticised, in other words for them to remain masculine, it requires the banishment of homosexuality (although its potential remains like a spectre haunting the proceedings).

In his autobiography Muscle: Confessions of An Unlikely Bodybuilder, undoubtedly the best account of the world of serious bodybuilding, Sam Fussell attempts to clear the air in his description of his very first visit to a gym. By putting the queer suspicion in the mouth of the swish fag Austin, Fussell slyly discredits it, making the queer suspicion something innately queer itself. Also deftly introduced is the presumption that gay and straight bodybuilders can be easily distinguished: ‘I examined the men by the machines, there Austin was right’. The gays are easily spotted, both by their appearance (unmanly) and by their activity (sissy machines instead of butch weights). The real bodybuildersm and hence the real men, are equally easily spotted, and, of course, they are also instantly recognisable as straight. Fussell leaves nelly Austin for the free-weights men. But the unwitting irony is that Fussell, in rejecting homosexuality (unmanly men) and its association with bodybuilding, does so on the grounds that it does not provide the manly men/attributes he is seeking. Thus in his first visit to a gym Fussell succeeds in vanquishing fags but not the fag thing.[iv]

His own tale reads like a Pomeroy nightmare made flesh. A pigeon- chested 26-year-old Oxford graduate discovers bodybuilding through a picture of Arnold, ‘every muscle bulging to the world as he flexed, smiled and posed’. Inspired by admiration and envy to possess a body like Arnold’s , he immerses himself in a world where male bodies are ceaselessly displayed and compared to other male bodies. For four years he has what he calls ‘the disease’ , without even a girlfriend to chaperone him and only one recorded (failed) attempt at sex with a woman.

But Fussell’s story, rather than illustrating Pomeroy’s anxiety that bodybuilding might lead to homosex, actually demonstrates how bodybuilding might work to prevent the translation of interest in men’s bodies into sexual activity with them, and yet shows how problematic that process actually is and, more importantly, illustrates the wider problem of what it means to be a man.

The point of the following investigation is not to pathologise bodybuilders or bodybuilding – which as an activity has, I am sure, plenty to recommend it – but to show how every time men try to grasp something consolingly, sturdily, essentially masculine, it all too easily transforms into its opposite. Bodybuilding gives an insight into the flux of masculinity right at the moment it is meant to solidify it in a display of exaggerated biological masculine attributes.

Make Me A Man!
The bodybuilder by definition is someone intent on creating a body that he desires (and often escaping from one he loathes). The ‘science’ of bodybuilding, through its apparatus, regimes and drugs, can work the magic of giving a man the flesh he desires to possess.

‘Here’s the kind of new men I build!’[v] announces Charles Atlas over a picture of a desirable young man with a perfect physique. Then the homosexual appeal is converted to one of narcissistic identification: ‘Do You Want To Be One?’ Just send off the form ‘… And I’ll prove in just 7 days I can make you one!’ Alas, Mr Atlas’ science, unlike Franken Furter’s in The Rocky Horror Show, is not powerful enough to actually make NEW MEN for you, it can only turn you into one. The heterosexual bodybuilder must hammer homo-desire into identification and make do with a diet of narcissism.

But whenever I locked the door behind me and quickly peeled off my shirt, I had to stifle a wolf whistle. How my beanpole figure had changed in the last year![vi]

He stopped a foot from me to point at his legs and scream, ‘Look at those fuckin’ gams, Sam! These are manly gams, goddammit!’ He quickly flexed them in the mirror and caressed them with a loving hand…[vii]

The heterosexual bodybuilder, in contrast to Frank N Furter with his creation Rocky, makes himself his own love object in lieu of another man.[viii] Hence the vital importance of mirrors and posing in bodybuilding; hence the loneliness of the ‘sport’; hence the unashamedly sexualised descriptions of the personal pleasures of bodybuilding: as Arnold puts it, ‘A Pump Is Better Than Coming’ (with whom?).

Freud outlined four possible types of narcissism; a person may love:

a)      What he himself is (i.e. himself)

b)      What he himself was

c)       What he would like to be

d)      Someone who was once part of himself[ix]

Type c), ‘what he would like to be’, is very close  to a type of homosexuality, especially since it suggests a narcissistic desire that may attach itself to others who represent ‘what he would like to be’. Freud argues that it is through social conditioning and upbringing, specifically through the effect of the critical voice of his parents, teachers, public opinion and fellow men, that ‘large amounts of homosexual libido are drawn into the formation of the narcissistic ego ideal and find outlet and satisfaction in maintaining it’.[x] The ego ideal, or super-ego, thus comes to stand in for homosexual libido; in other words, the subject’s sense of social responsibility/respectability is founded on the turning around of homosexual desire into the ego.

This is the purpose that Arnold and the Gladiators appear to serve: they become living representatives of the ego ideal (hence the fantasy/mythological element so often associated with them), which are shared by thousands of other boys.

The ego ideal opens up an important avenue for the understanding of group psychology. In addition to its individual side, this ideal has a social side; it is also the common ideal of a family, a class or a nation.[xi]

The homoerotic power the bodybuilder super hero represents to young boys, by encouraging identification with him and the emphasis on social virtue, functions to redirect their homosexual libido into narcissism in which their own ego comes to substitute for the ‘lost’ love object; narcissism, regarded as the precursor to homosexuality, is actually employed against homosexuality to socialise young boys. The super hero becomes the super ego:

‘Arnie rules. If he picked up his Conan sword and took over the country tomorrow I swear to God I would fight for him. It sucks that he can’t be president’. [xii]

And so Arnold, the ‘ultimate male’[xiii], is firmly established in the psyches of millions of young American boys, their desire for him becoming the prohibition against it. In his biography we learn that large crowds turned up every day on the set of Commando, just to catch a glimpse of his lens-lovely physique in the flesh. ‘Most are young men’, admits Green. ‘No surprise. Who loves Arnold most? They stand behind the crew rather attentively, almost referentially, and try to compare their builds to the bare-chested Schwarzenegger’.

And so we find Fussell living alone in a flat unfurnished except for an exercise machine and ‘a cardboard cutout of Arnold with loin cloth and sword as Conan the Barbarian’. Thus the heterosexual bodybuildrer’s relationship to homosexuality is revealed as a sad kind of insubstantial shadow of it, a kind of mourning, a ghostly kind of love. This is the lovelorn marriage of bodybuilder to ego ideal: ‘With this ring I thee wed. With my body I thee worship’.

Not permitted to desire another man’s penis, the bodybuilder phallicises that which he is permitted to desire: his own body. The old adage, ‘big muscles small dick’ is without foundation, but the implied phallic substitution is spot on. The body is ‘pumped up’, ‘rock hard’, and ‘tight’; the fashion for ‘vascularity’ calls for minimal skin fat (often special drugs are taken for this purpose) so that the road map of veins is clearly visible, standing out from the flesh in a fashion alarmingly reminiscent of an erect penis. After a successful appearance on stage at a competition, Fussell’s training partner compliments him: ‘like a human fucking penis’! [xiv]

As with the phallus itself, size is the overriding issue and everything is constantly subjected to measurement and the tyranny of the tape-measure: necks, calves, chests, arms, legs; the inches measure the man. Extending ordinary male aspirations from between his legs to his whole body, the ‘human fucking penis’ entertains fantasies of infinite growth that merge with ceaseless desire for ever more ‘male’ attributes (the ego ideal is by definition unattainable and this encourages ever greater efforts to reach it). ‘I saw my chest growing to such gargantuan proportions that no shirt on earth could contain it…’[xv] As the bodybuilder’s chest swells, so, quite literally, does his ego: the more manly the man’s body the more he can direct his homosexual libido towards himself.

Of course fantasies of infinite growth cannot be sustained. But the science of bodybuilding does its level best to maintain the illusion that it can be. Through the use of anabolic steroids, or artificial growth hormones, the bodybuilder is encouraged to believe that he can continue his swelling and stave off his fear of failure to satisfy the ego ideal (failure to satisfy the ego ideal has the tendency, according to Freud, to ‘liberate homosexual libido and this is turned into a sense of guilt’).

The serious bodybuilder will often use steroids as a matter of course. Those entering competitions have little chance of winning without recourse to drugs. Unlike in the world of athletics where the benefits of steroids are debatable, bodybuilding has long depended on them. They promote increased strength and offer remarkable increases in the rate at which the body can metabolise nitrogen into muscle. But the pressure of competition is not responsible for the deepest appeal of these drugs. Their most powerful attraction to the bodybuilder resides in the nature of them, and the symbolism of that ‘nature’.

Most of the steroid class of drugs were designed to emulate the effects of natural anabolic agents like testosterone, for administering to those who are deficient in male hormones. Thus steroids are used to combat the lack of physical ‘manliness’- precisely the condition the bodybuilder always finds himself in. Because of the unattainability of the ego ideal, a man already weighing 16 stone and with a 53-inch chest can, like a reverse anorexic, look in the mirror and see himself as chronically deficient in manliness.

Again, this has an interesting parallel with the sex lives of gay men. C.A. Tripp, an anthropologist opposed to psychoanalysis, explains the dynamic of the eroticisation of manliness by other men in The Homosexual Matrix in a way that sounds remarkably familiar: ‘Eroticisation always tends to raise the value of the items it touches, not only by exalting them, but by keeping a person’s aspiration level soaring ahead of his own attainments, between what he has and what he would like to have’.[xvi] This perceived distance is the standard by which everything is judged, it is ‘the contrast implicit in the distance which determines a person’s appetite for same sex attributes and, consequently, his readiness to admire them, to eroticise them, and to import  still more of them’.[xvii]

One of the ways in which the homosexual male ‘imports’ these attributes is through sexual intimacy and affection. [xviii] The avowedly heterosexual male, however, is only permitted to import them in a non-sexual fashion, through identification and sublimation: e.g. bodybuilding. So the appeal of steroids to the bodybuilder is not just that they help the process of building muscle but that they represent an actual importation of same-sex attributes, direct route rather than the indirect one of lifting weights. (The appeal of steroids as a means of importing same-sex attributes and further evidence of the wide-reaching importance of bodybuilding as a young male phenomenon is provided by the revelation that an estimated twelve percent of all American senior high school boys have tried at least one cycle of steroids.)[xix]

The ‘importation’ of the masculine attributes in the form of steroids takes on a telling symbolism. Tagged ‘the juice’, Fussell describes two friends receiving its benediction:

Nimrod withdrew the needle from the vial , slapped Bamm Bamm’s naked ass once, then plunged the syringe an inch and a half deep into Bamm Bamm’s flesh.

‘Jesus Nimrod, it feels like a fuckin’ garden hose, Are you sure that’s a new one?’ Bamm Bamm asked querulously… When he pulled the steel dart out of Bamm Bamm’s ass, the tiny hole spurted forth a stream of blood which landed with a splat on the plastic covered sofa.[xx]

When Fussell’s turn comes to receive ‘the juice’ he discovers that his fear of ‘needles’ results in him reflexively tightening the muscles in his backside (perhaps indicating that at least one part of Fussell knows full well what all this signifies), making the injection extremely painful. But he soon learns the best way to take it: the ‘only proper way to receive the syringe was to relax the ass cheek and jab the needle in quickly, all the way to the base…’ The bodybuilder finds that ‘taking it like a man’ enables him to acquire more quickly those characteristics which will make him more like a man; he finds himself echoing, albeit pathetically, the gay male’s sexual importation of masculine attributes.

This is a ritual that will not be unfamiliar to anthropologists. David D Gilmore, drawing on the work of Gilbert Herdt, describes a ritual enacted by the Sambia, a tribe in New Guinea, ‘obsessed with masculinity’:

… the youngsters are forced to perform fellatio on grown men, not for pleasure but in order to ingest their semen. This then supposedly provides them with the substance or ‘seed’  of a growing masculinity. As one…Sambia ritual expert instructs, ‘If a boy doesn’t ‘eat’ semen,he remains small and weak’.[xxi]

Here, overt homosexuality as opposed to the symbolic ‘homosexuality’ of steroid injections, is considered to be the normal route to manhood and is later superseded by an adult life of ‘full heterosexuality’.[xxii]

But the most remarkable and instructive scene that the bodybuilding  anthropologist  Fussell reports is that of a father who acts as trainer to his son, Lamar, injecting him with ‘the juice’.  Lamar ‘offered his enormous white ass to his father… despite the jolt of the needle Lamar looked up at his father in tenderness’.

Male Masochism And Bodybuilding

 No pain; no gain! – Bodybuilding slogan

In ‘A Child Is Being Beaten’, a text that has been at the centre of the ‘return to Freud’ movement in cultural studies, Freud expounds his theory of masochistic fantasy through a child’s account of a common dream in which he/she is being beaten by the father. Freud attributes this to a need to be punished for incestuous guilt (desiring the father) but the child also finds this fantasy pleasurable and may substitute the experience of punishment for incestuous desire. In males, Freud analyses the beating fantasy as being based on the negative Oedipus complex, and in girls on the positive.  The negative Oedipus complex for boys consists of identification with the mother and desire of the father and corresponds to the positive complex for girls.

But Freud states elsewhere that the ‘simple Oedipus complex is by no means its commonest form’; instead he posits a ‘more complete’ Oedipus complex which is essentially bisexual, including both the positive and negative forms:

That is to say, a boy has not merely an ambivalent attitude towards his father and an affectionate object-choice towards his mother, but at the same time he also behaves like a girl and displays an affectionate feminine attitude towards his father and a corresponding jealousy and hostility towards his mother.[xxiii]

Thus in ‘The Economic Problem Of Masochism’ Freud describes the wish to be beaten by the father as ‘standing very close’ to the male’s desire to take a passive sexual relation to him and characterises it as only ‘a regressive distortion of it’.

As we have already seen, the heterosexual male bodybuilder’s desires ‘stand very close’ to that of the homosexual (the negative Oedipus complex). In fact in his underdevelopment  of the homosexual libido he could be said to represent ‘a  regressive distortion’, bringing bodybuilding, with all its terrible goading and punishment by the superego, very much into the realm of male masochism.

In her influential book, Male Subjectivity At The Margins, which sheds much needed light on the phenomenon of male masochism, Caja Silverman argues that up till now the significance of Freud’s assertion that the super-ego is always ‘a substitute for a longing for the father’ has been missed. [xxiv] She suggests that the implications of this are ‘staggering’. Essentially this is because the dissolution of the male Oedipus Complex, the origin of the superego and the lynchpin of a man’s adult character, is now seen to be about ‘the male subject’s homosexual attachment to the father’.[xxv] (This is the personal aspect of the super-ego discussed earlier in its social context).

But as Silverman points out, the only way of overcoming this incestuous desire – becoming the symbolic father – is precisely what the super-ego forbids: ‘You cannot be like your father in all respects,’ it says, ‘some things are his prerogative’; this is the unattainability of the ego ideal again.

The super-ego ends up promoting ‘the very thing that its severity is calculated to prevent, a contradiction which must function as a constant inducement to reconstitute the negative Oedipus complex (identification with the mother and desire for the father). ‘ The prototypical male subject wants both to love the father and to be the father but is prevented from doing either.

This impasse produces a fascinating outcome. The ‘morally masochistic’ male gives up altogether on the paternal ego-ideal and turns to his mother, identifying with her instead. ‘However’, writes Silverman, ‘he burns with an exalted ardour for the rigours of the super-ego. The feminine masochist …literalises the beating fantasy, and brings this cruel drama back to the body’.

The gymnasium is the stage on which this ‘cruel drama’ is brought ‘back to the body’ on a daily basis. It is a high-tech dungeon where the weak flesh is punished by the willing/wilful spirit. Gleaming machinery and neatly arranged racks of free-weights have replaced instruments of torture. But the agony and the ecstasy do not end with the four hour work-out infernos Fussell and his brothers-in-sorrow joyously inflict on themselves. Apart from the feat and pain of the injections, the terrible piles that result and the horrific poundages squatted (more anal punishment?) , there is the endless discipline of the merciless diet (combined with forced feeding, an ingenious innovation of modern masochism), and, come competition time, devout fasting (to reduce skin fat) which leaves them barely able to walk. The literature celebrates the suffering: ‘Hardcore Bodybuilding: The Blood, Sweat and Tears of Pumping Iron’. [xxvi]

But Fussell’s strict, uncomplaining observation of the iron law of the three D’s (Dedication, Determination, Discipline) which bodybuilders must live by earns him the respect of those around him, especially his mentor/surrogate father, Vinnie:  ‘Like a freight train from hell, baby! Oh yes!’ he screamed, ‘I got myself a real training partner’! A ‘real training partner’ is one who relishes punishment.  Before attempting a heavy squat, Vinnie urges Fussell to ‘do the right thing!’ – which turns out to be bodybuilder code for a fist in the face: a common technique , apparently for encouraging that little bit extra sacrifice (‘Do the right thing!’ Is this not the voice of the superego?).

Steroids enhance the masochistic pleasure. ‘When you’re doin’ the juice’, one American teenager tells Sky magazine, ‘it actually feels good to get hit. The whole part of your body goes, ‘Ahhh….’[xxvii] On these drugs the masochistic pleasure can reach giddying heights. In an Esquire article on Ray Michalik, winner of Mr Universe 1975, we learn how:

He invented a training regime called ‘intensity insanity’ which called for 70 sets per body part, instead of the customary ten. This entailed a seven hour workout and excrutiating pain, but the steroids, he found, turned that pain into pleasure: ‘a huge release of all the pressures built up inside me, the rage and the energy’.[xxviii]

The tricks that male masochism can play on you! Fussell claims he took up bodybuilding because he no longer wished to be a ‘victim’. But in order to achieve this he became a victimiser: ‘Without being fully aware of it myself I became the kind of man I once feared and despised. I became, in fact, a bully.[xxix] But he was his own victim.

As Theodor Reik argues in Masochism in Sex and Society, masochists become both their own victims and victimisers, dispensing with the need for an external object. [xxx] This is the meaning of the bodybuilder’s narrative of refusing to be a weakling who gets sand kicked in his face. ‘I would work hard and develop a body like our school bully’s’ says Arnold, ‘but I would use it differently’ – that is to say he would use his body on himself.

This may go some way to explain the origin of what had been called ‘Roid Rage’, where bodybuilders on steroids have been known to go into mad binges of assault and rape. These bouts of sadism, are, perhaps, nothing more than unsatisfied masochism spilling over into its projected variant, sadism, providing an equivalent pleasure to the more usual one offered by the most rigorous workout ( ‘a huge release of all the pressures built up inside me, the rage and the energy’). Or as Fussell puts it: ‘ I wasn’t just aching for a fistfight – I was begging for one’.

The theory of masochism also sheds light on the pronounced show-business aspect to bodybuilding. Exhibitionism or ‘demonstrativeness’ is an indispensable feature of all masochism, according to Reik. The terrible litany of suffering that the bodybuilder inflicts on his body, real enough in its private pain, is always intended for public consumption, whether in the gymnasium with roars and yells, or at contests, sweating and posing with a silent beatific smile. ‘In the practices of masochists, denudiation and parading with all their psychic concomitant phenomenon play such a major part that one feels induced to assume a constant connection between masochism and exhibitionism’.[xxxi]

Fussell’s aptly named ‘Confessions’ are as much a part of that process of ‘denudiation and parading’ as any bodybuilding contest. Although the world of bodybuilding is renounced, that renunciation itself is transformed into part of the same process of exhibitionism. Here also is the key to understanding the obsession the bodybuilding world has with exclamation marks. ‘I can make you a man!’ ‘Arnold!’ ‘Posing!’ This big-tent showbusiness style is a hysterical demonstrativeness.

The masochism of the committed bodybuilder is without doubt the modern-day equivalent of the religious zealot who flogged himself in the street. The Life of Fussell: His Confessions!, having become a bestseller, is a more public scourging than any medieval masochist could dream of.

Born into an ivy-league family and with a comfortable academic future mapped out for him, Fussell turned his back on the world and his parents – especially his father – and set about mortifying his flesh. Most alarmingly, like all those using serious quantities of steroids, he was threatening himself with liver cancer and heart-disease. This quasi-religious self-destructive urge was elucidated by Freud when he wrote that to provoke punishment from the super-ego the masochist must ‘act against his own interests , must ruin the prospects which open out to him in the real world and must, perhaps, destroy his own real existence’.[xxxii]

In Arnie’s perhaps most popular films, The Terminator and Terminator II, the male masochistic logic of self-annihilation is starkly obvious. In the first he plays a cyborg, a seeming-human robot, that takes fantastic punishment: gunshots, explosions, fireballs, speeding articulated trucks, and yet keeps coming for more, with a look of bright, fierce joy in his inhuman eyes which remains undimmed until those he pursues oblige him by crushing him to nothing in a hydraulic press. But before this compacted climax can be reached we see his ‘suffering’ strip away his human appearance (and sex) altogether and ‘he’ is reduced to a ghastly array of gleaming pistons and electrical innards. The sequel, aptly subtitled Judgement Day, provides more of the same, but this time Arnie plays the ‘good guy’ and another cyborg is drafted in to provide scenes of appalling mutual mutilation even more destructive than the first (expensive special effects provide the audience with new ways to enjoy the human body’s miseries). ‘At last!’ you can almost hear Arnie declare, ‘A Real training partner!’ At the film’s climax Arnie achieves complete corporeal dissolution, hurling his body into a vat of molten metal.

In a similar vein, the frenzied yells of ‘Beef! Beef!’ at bodybuilding contests summon up the ultimate image of sacrifice and the primal myth. Cannibalism, noted by Freud as being closely related to sadism/masochism,[xxxiii] provides the most extreme and yet most descriptive metaphor for the consumption/mortification paradox of bodybuilding: the bodybuilder wishing to consume maleness/the father and be consumed by it. Freud points out that ‘as a substitute for longing for the father, it [the ego ideal] contains the germ from which all religions have evolved’.[xxxiv]

Transfiguration

 Here’s the kind of NEW MEN I build!’

It should be clear by now that in building up the male body the bodybuilder is in fact attempting to shatter it. Nothing less than transfiguration is what the committed male musclebuilder is after. Through the religious magic and science of bodybuilding he hopes to effect a resolution of the conflict that the super-ego has imposed on him. As we have seen, unable to either be or love the father, the feminine male masochist tends to abandon the paternal ideal and to turn to an identification with the mother instead. The science and religion of bodybuilding can make this identification corporeal.

Jokes about bodybuilders needing bras for their chests are common enough, but in fact the jokes contain a certain truth. The prolonged use of steroids causes a condition known as gynecomastia or ‘bitch tits’, the growth of a bulbous swelling under one or both nipples as a result of the body’s oestrogen level rising to counteract the massive dose of what it takes to be testosterone.  But this is perhaps the least important of the transformations that the steroid user can look forward to. With prolonged steroid use testicle atrophy, penises shrink and erections become infrequent or cease altogether. In other words, the bodybuilder using steroids is effecting his own castration.

This is the unavoidable logic of the bodybuilder’s long-term scourging of his masculine body. After years of abuse with drugs and ‘intensity/insanity’ routines ‘Mr Universe’ Michalik found his body finally taking the hint and effecting the final transformation:

His testosterone level plummeted, his sperm count went to zero and all the oestrogen in his body, which had been accruing for years, turned his pecs into soft, doughy breasts. Such friends as he still had pointed out that his ass was plumping like a woman’s and tweaked him for his sexy, new hip-switching walk.[xxxv]

Of course, the bodybuilder reacts with horror to this development, but that is just the horror of the caterpillar finding itself pupating: it knows not that this is what was meant to be and what its whole life so far has been working towards. The bodybuilder does not understand that he was destined all along to be a transsexual butterfly.

Suddenly, the painstaking removal of all body hair by daily shaving, the use of depilatory creams and electrolysis makes sense. In Fussell’s own words, musclebuilders are ‘illusionists’ and ‘the decorating of the body to such an extreme’ is ‘essentially a feminine exercise’.[xxxvi] And so the contents of Fussell’s gym bag before a competition read like those of a tranny’s handbag: Professional Posing Oil, Muscle Sheen, Pro-Tan Instant Competition Colour, sponge applicator tips, matte black competition briefs, and mousse.

Women bodybuilders have traditionally been ridiculed, especially by male bodybuilders for rebelling against their ‘natural’ sex characteristics, for being ‘mannish’ and ‘unwomanly’. But now the secret can be told: this is merely projected anxiety. In the female bodybuilder, overcoming in her own way her social designation as ‘lack’, the male bodybuilder, the kids’ superhero, sees his own fate. As Fussell remarks: ‘she wasn’t quite a woman and she wasn’t quite a man, but she was, unmistakably, a builder’.

The male bodybuilder dramatizes in his flesh the insecurity, the uncertainty, the enigma of masculinity. He is a living testament, not so much to the capabilities of the male body, its phallic power, its massive irresistible virility (‘I saw my chest swelling to such gargantuan proportions that no shirt on earth could contain it’), but rather to the scared mystery of sex and gender, the fluidity of the categories male and female, masculine and feminine, hetero and homo and the fabulous, perverse tricks they play.

Pangua, lingua, gloriosi

Corporis mysterium

(Sing, my tongue, of the mystery of the glorious Body).

St Thomas Aquinas


[i] Wardell B Pomoroy Boys and Sex (London, Pelican 1968) p.59

[ii] Comparisons made in the press with the 1970s TV Game Show It’s A Knockout only serve to demonstrate just how California-ized Britain has become. Eddie Waring on steroids with a UV bed tan in skimpy lycra? I think not.

[iii] Sam Fussell, Confessions of An Unlikely Bodybuilder (London, Abacus 1992), p 38

[iv] The imperative to keep homosexuality away from bodybuilding to preserve its manly visual pleasures for its heterosexual disciples is shown later in the book in Fussell’s account of the professional bodybuilder Bob Paris’ posing programme at the 1989 Arnold Classic: ‘Paris concluded his posing program with The Dying Gaul’…It was met with an uncomfortable silence and angry suspicion, the latter confirmed months later when he revealed his marriage to his ‘husband’, male model Rod Jackson, and the joy they shared in their ‘children’, two dogs and a macaw named Barney’ (p195), Bob Paris is the only out professional bodybuilder.

[v] Picture Post, advertisements

[vi] Fussell, p65

[vii] Ibid. p 114

[viii] Is it merely coincidence that the bodybuilder boxer fantasy that Stallone created for himself a few years later also had the same name?

[ix] Sigmund Freud, On Narcissism: An Introduction Penguin Freud Library (London:Penguin, 1984) Vol II, p84

[x] Ibid, p90

[xi] Ibid pp96-97

[xii] Teenage roid heads, Sky Magazine, December 1992

[xiii] Tom Green, Arnold! (London, WH Allen, 1988)

[xiv] Fussell also chose the sountrack to the film Shaft for his accompaniment: Shaft! Isaac hayes sang on the soundtrack, as I made my final counterclockwise turn, crunched my abs, flexed my legs, and pointed at my calves’ (p212).

[xv] Fussell p49

[xvi] C.A. Tripp The Homosexual Matrix (NY and Scarborough, Meridian 1985)p78

[xvii] Ibid.

[xviii] The gay man is, of course, also very often a bodybuilder: this exemplifies the way in which desire and identification are not discrete categories and the way in which gay men can ‘import’ male attributes via both routes.

[xix] Teenage roid heads Sky December 1992

[xx] Fussell p 120

[xxi] David D Gilmore, Manhood In TheMaking: Cultural Concepts of Masculinity (Newhaven and London, Yale University Press 1990) p147

[xxii] Ibid.

[xxiii] Freud, The Ego And The Id (Penguin Freud Library Vol II) p372

[xxiv] Caja Silverman, Male Subjectivity At The Margins (London Routledge 1992) p194

[xxv] Ibid p194

[xxvi] Robert Kennedy Hardcore Bodybuilding: The Blood, Sweat and Tears of Pumping Iron’ (New York, Sterling 1982)

[xxvii] Sky December 1992

[xxviii] Esquire November 1992. The injection of the steroids themselves can take on the appearance of Nazi torture: ‘they filled enormous syringes with a French supplement called Triacana and, aiming for the elusive Thyroid gland, shot it right into their necks.’ This echoes a scene in Universal Soldier (1992) in which Dolph Lundgren and Claude Van Damme play zombie bodybuilder soldiers who are regularly injected in the back of the neck to keep up their inhuman strength.  Needless to say, the finale of the film requires the two soldiers to inflict horrific injuries on one another, which they happily endure.

[xxix] Fussell, pp 24 and 68

[xxx] Theodor Reik, Masochism in Sex and Society trans. (New York: Grove Press 1962) cited by Silverman in Male Subjectivity at the Margins

[xxxi] Reik  p72

[xxxii] The economic problem of Masochism Penguin Freud Library vol II p425

[xxxiii] Freud, Three Essays on the theory of sexuality

[xxxiv] Freud, The Ego and the Id p376

[xxxv] Esquire, November 1992

[xxxvi] Fussell p140

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